Agency organizes violence

2019 ◽  
pp. 88-114
Author(s):  
Kate Lockwood Harris

As part of a material turn, organizational scholars increasingly pay attention to nonhuman agents, the things and stuff of organizing. These nonhuman agents are often discussed without consideration of difference. To encourage a more nuanced conversation about agency and the human/nonhuman divide, this chapter analyzes PRU’s boundary-making practices—the organization’s continuous decisions about who or what can act, especially in violent ways. It shows that these practices are gendered, raced, and sexualized, and they emerge as such while PRU members grapple with Title IX reporting processes. Importantly, statements and texts about violence—both forms of discourse—are considered to be agentic when they uphold whiteness. In contrast, their capacity to act is minimized when they challenge systemic racism or identify patterns of violence. Though some scholars are concerned that discourse has become too muscular, this chapter shows that the agency of discourse—when considered in proximity to Title IX and sexual violence—is far from uniformly too forceful. Drawing on scholarship rarely read among organizational scholars, this chapter issues a caution: Theories that minimize the supposedly bulging biceps of discourse may keep a violent status quo in place.

2019 ◽  
pp. 49-87
Author(s):  
Kate Lockwood Harris

This chapter begins to conceptualize sexual violence as a series of material–discursive intra-actions. It does so by drawing upon a case study at a university regarded for having some of the most effective sexual violence policies in the United States, the pseudonymous Public Research University (PRU). An analysis of the systems for reporting rape and other assaults at PRU shows that these processes rely on representationalist frameworks that have problematic raced and gendered consequences. The reporting system allows PRU to overlook lots of violence. Moreover, marginalized members of the university do a disproportionate amount of the labor to run the system. The chapter relies on the feminist new materialist concept of diffraction to show that reports to Title IX officers are not mere descriptions of sexual violence, but the outcome of material–discursive processes. The chapter advances a material turn by using violence as a focal point for theory that is neither wholly constructivist nor wholly realist.


2021 ◽  
pp. 155708512110626
Author(s):  
Shauntey James ◽  
Melanie D. Hetzel-Riggin

Institutions of Higher Education (IHEs) have used restorative justice (RJ) to address sexual misconduct on college campuses under Title IX. In 2020, Title IX guidance was codified. The application of RJ under the new policy may create procedural and distributive justice issues. This article (1) defines the new policy; (2) explores suitability of RJ to sexual misconduct and specifically yellow zone behavior under the new policy; (3) discusses justice for the various stakeholders under the guise of advantages and disadvantages; and (4) makes recommendations to strengthen the choice of either implementing or not implementing restorative justice.


Dissent ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Brodsky ◽  
Elizabeth Deutsch
Keyword(s):  
Title Ix ◽  

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 23-23
Author(s):  
Michele Graham Bradford
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Danielle Pilar Clealand

Chapter 1 examines racial ideology and how racial democracy works in Cuba. The revolution, throughout its decades, has reinforced the ideology of racial democracy and in doing so, has created a set of norms that guide much of the thinking and doing around race and racism in Cuba. These norms are silence regarding racism; anti-racialism; and an understanding of racism as racial prejudice, rather than systemic racism embedded in the country’s institutions. The ideology of racial democracy or racial harmony serves to legitimate the racial status quo by trivializing racial hierarchies or refuting them completely. Consequently the ideology has created, over time, standard ways of perceiving race, or racial norms. In addition to racial norms, the chapter also discusses racial categorization in Cuba and its relationship to racial ideology.


Author(s):  
Patricia van der Spuy

Women were the majority of enslaved people in Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. Slavery was transformed and expanded in the context of so-called “legitimate commerce” that followed the abolition of oceanic slave trading. Abolition proclamations followed, in British colonies in the 1830s, and elsewhere from the 1870s through much of the 20th century, but abolition did not equate to freedom. Gender was at the heart of emancipation everywhere. Colonial merchants and officials colluded with local male elites to ensure the least disruption possible to the status quo. For these male allies, emancipation was a contradiction in terms for women, because masculine authority and control over women was assumed. In many regions, it was difficult for Europeans to distinguish between marriage, pawnship, and slavery. Women engaged strategically with colonial institutions like the courts over such distinctions to assert some form of control over their own lives, labor, and bodies. Where slavery and marriage were categorically distinct, again women might engage with Western gender stereotypes of marriage to extricate themselves from the authority of former slaveholders, or they might withdraw their labor by fleeing from the farms. Whereas for Europeans women were ideally defined as subservient wives within nuclear families, for many women themselves motherhood and access to their children were key to struggles toward emancipation. Women’s decisions about their emancipation were influenced by many factors, including whether or not they were mothers, if they were born into slavery or enslaved as children or adults, their experiences of coercion and cruelty including sexual violence, their status within the slaveholding, and their relationships of dependency and support. Topography and location mattered; urban contexts offered different kinds of post-slavery opportunity for many, and access to land and other economic opportunities and limitations were critical. The abolition of slavery by European colonial officials did not emancipate women, but it did provide the context in which some women might negotiate or claim their own rights to freedom as they defined it—which in some cases meant walking away from systems of involuntary servitude. Some women engaged colonial officers and institutions directly to demand a change in status, whereas others decided to stay in relationships that, in many cases, were subtly redefined.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 205979911988427
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

Other writers, notably police researchers, infrequently discuss the problems and difficulties that they encounter in and outside of fieldwork when doing research on the police. In this article, I piece together some critical and personal reflections of researching the police to provide nuanced information that can help other writers to learn from my own experiences of researching the police and also help them to navigate their own experiences of working with the police for research purposes. These reflections of mine emanate from fieldwork notes and my research diary. I use Ahmed’s The Promise of Happiness as a lens to theorise and make sense of such experiences, understanding how my presence gets in the way of the happiness of others because of my affiliation to sexual violence work. By naming a problem, rape as a problem, I became the problem. The article outlines some of the chief ethical, personal and pragmatic issues that can surface when researching the police. For example, I frequently encountered interrogative questions whereby officers questioned my sexuality, asking ‘are you gay?’ I became a nuisance for the police, a problem by highlighting the issue of male rape as a problem given that it challenges the status quo of normative heterosexuality. I argue that, doing research on the police, which can involve sensitive and challenging work that affects one emotionally, socially and physically, impacts not only the officers being interviewed, but also the researchers themselves. The latter group should be identified much more readily than seems to be the case in the social sciences.


Matatu ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-181
Author(s):  
Asante Lucy Mtenje

This essay examines how contemporary Malawian female poets writing in the post-dictatorship era engage with aspects that inflect female sexuality such as eroticism, sexual desire, marriage, sexual violence, and HIV/AIDS through their poetry and how they represent these aspects against normative expectations of gender and sexuality. I am interested in how these poets depict the complex mediation of female sexualities by the state, the family, religious, and cultural bodies and how, in turn, they represent sexuality as simultaneously a domain of restriction, repression, and danger as well as a domain of exploration, pleasure, and agency. Through an analysis of selected works by Malawian female poets, I examine how the authors negotiate issues of female sexuality within the new democratic dispensation which have traditionally been relegated to the margins in favour of more politically ‘relevant’ issues. I argue that these poets challenge the monolithic status quo through which Malawian women’s sexualities have been constructed by portraying the nuances, complexities, and ambiguities that characterize female sexuality in Malawi.


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