New Zealand

2021 ◽  
pp. 211-233
Author(s):  
Matthew S. Shugart ◽  
Matthew E. Bergman ◽  
Cory L. Struthers ◽  
Ellis S. Krauss ◽  
Robert J. Pekkanen

This chapter focuses on the impact of electoral reform in New Zealand, which changed from first-past-the post (FPTP) to mixed-member proportional (MMP). The chapter analyzes the National and Labour parties under both electoral systems. As expected, the expertise model becomes more important to parties’ allocation of legislators to House of Representatives committees after the electoral reform to MMP, due to the move to a system in which votes cast anywhere count toward seat maximization. Parties also change how they assign members under the electoral–constituency model, as the system moves from one in which winning districts is the exclusive way in which a party maximizes seats to one in which legislators representing districts may be leveraged to help the party win more votes from the party list. Both parties show strong issue ownership tendencies before and after electoral reform.

2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMY CATALINAC

We study a core question of interest in political science: Do candidates position themselves differently under different electoral systems and is their positioning in line with the expectations of spatial theories? We use validated estimates of candidate ideological positions derived from quantitative scaling of 7,497 Japanese-language election manifestos written by the near universe of candidates who competed in the eight House of Representatives elections held on either side of Japan’s 1994 electoral reform. Leveraging variation before and after Japan’s electoral reform, as well as within each electoral system, we find that candidates converge in single-member districts and diverge in multimember districts, and converge on copartisans when not faced with intraparty competition and diverge when they do. Our study helps to clarify debates about the effects of electoral systems on ideological polarization and party cohesion in Japan and more generally.


Author(s):  
Jodyanne Kirkwood ◽  
Kirsty Dwyer ◽  
Sara Walton

Purpose This paper aims to examine the experiences of an ecopreneurial venture that was operating before, during and after the 2010-2011 series of earthquakes in Christchurch, New Zealand. The aim is to elucidate on the tension existing between an ecopreneur’s personal green values/ethics and his need to be resilient and do what was necessary to ensure his business’s survival, which was operating before, during and after an extreme event – the 2010-2011 series of earthquakes in Christchurch, New Zealand. Design/methodology/approach The data are gathered from a longitudinal case study of Just Organic Ltd (an organic fruit and vegetable delivery service) over a five-year period which covers time before and after the earthquakes. Data were gathered via two in-depth face-to-face interviews with the ecopreneur, along with a number of email and telephone follow-ups. Findings Findings indicate that an extreme event such as an earthquake will inhibit the green values of an ecopreneur as the ecopreneur works to ensure business survival. To continue to operate successfully, the ecopreneur developed a resilient and hardy nature and adapted operational processes to run in a more entrepreneurial fashion. It would seem that holding firmly to green values irrespective of a changed business environment is detrimental to business viability and survivability. The ecopreneur bounced forward, rather than bouncing back from the disaster. Research limitations/implications The implications for research, policy makers and ecopreneurs and entrepreneurs in general are discussed. There are lessons to be learned from the experiences of the ecopreneur who is operating Just Organic Limited. Originality/value This paper is one of the few that has examined the impact the Christchurch earthquakes had on an existing eco-business. The longitudinal data enable a unique insight into the operational aspects of an eco-business before and after a series of earthquakes.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tor-Espen Stenerud

<p>This thesis provides a comparative analysis of poverty among children in New Zealand, Norway and Sweden using the most recent available income data from year 2000. By comparing different countries with different levels of poverty, and differing policies it attempts to say something about the causes of child poverty and evaluate the importance of policy as a remedy. This is done within one theoretical framework and understanding of what poverty is and why it is important. More specifically, the purpose is to explore to what extent policy in the form of benefits (and taxes) explain the differences in child poverty, in this case why children in New Zealand are so much more likely to be poor than those in Norway and Sweden. This is in part done by a process of elimination, where poverty levels before and after taxes and transfers are compared in various sectors of the population divided by demographic, ethnic, educational, employment status and other factors. Even though the picture formed by the findings is complex and far from straight forward, and policy differences cannot explain all the differences, policy variables are fundamental in explaining the differences in child poverty levels. In order to summarize the findings in a more accessible way the last part of the thesis puts together findings from previous chapters by asking a counterfactual 'what if?' question, based on the statistics in chapter 4 and 5. It estimates what the impact would have been on child poverty levels in various groups in the New Zealand community if its policy had achieved the same rate of poverty reduction as the equivalent groups experience in Scandinavia. In the counterfactual chapter the importance of differences across the countries in demographic composition and market income (i.e. the income before government intervention through taxes and benefits) are also tested for. This way of presenting the findings further reinforces the image of complexity with few straightforward causal mechanisms. However, while the thesis shows that many variables play a role in explaining the variation in outcome across the countries, it leaves little room for doubting that much of this variation must be explained by government intervention. There is, in other words, scope for governments to reduce poverty more than the New Zealand policies did in year 2000.</p>


2008 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 65-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glen Krutz ◽  
Courtney Cullison

We examine the impact of multiple referral on legislative processing in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1991-98. Previous literature leaves off with the 1980s, but party control of the House changed in the 1990s and with it, came a new approach to multiple referral. Did this change alter the impact of multiple referral status on bill progression? In the main, our analysis confirms certain previous findings, while adding some interesting new twists. While multiple referral hurts a bill’s chances of success in some stages of statute-making (committee passage, floor passage), a finding consistent with the literature, we find that it provides a boost to chances of receiving committee attention in the first place. Moreover, we find that the hit that multiply referred bills take in committee and on the floor is much greater than suggested previously. Separate analyses conducted before and after the Republican reforms of 1995 reveal distinct differences. For example, in the Re-publican-controlled environment from 1995-1998, multiple referral bills were slightly more likely to see the House floor, whereas they were less likely to make it in the Democratic House from 1991-94.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Kichimoto Asaka

The electoral systems of both Japan and New Zealand were recently reformed, and both states had their first elections under the new regimes in October 1996. This article considers some features of the two electoral systems from the point of view of the legal context in which the electoral reforms were made, and of the main reasons for those reforms.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Jacky Yaakov Zvulun

Voter turnout in local and general elections is a key element in measuring citizen participation. From 2004, New Zealand local elections were unique in that local councils had the choice of two different electoral systems: plurality majority and proportional representation. We have here the opportunity to study more about New Zealand local elections and changes in electoral systems. This article analyses the impact of the "Single Transferable Vote” electoral system in those councils that adopted it, comparing it to those councils which used "First Past the Post". This article explains how the STV electoral system has not increased voter turnout and was not the cause of low voter turnout in the 2004-2007 local elections. It might, however, offer voters a better way to choose their preferences.


1998 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 64-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Boston ◽  
Stephen Levine ◽  
Elizabeth McLeay ◽  
Nigel S. Roberts ◽  
Hannah Schmidt

2013 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-104
Author(s):  
Marco Calabrò

The article analyses the impact of mixed-member proportional electoral systems (MMP) on the party systems and electoral behaviors in Germany and New Zealand. The MMP grants proportional representation while reducing party fragmentation. The latter effect is stronger in Germany than in New Zealand, due to a difference in the electoral thresholds. Mixed member systems that allow citizens to cast two ballots for two different competitive arenas are much interesting for analyzing the impact of electoral systems on electoral behaviors. A voter can choose to split her vote, thus supporting a party in the multimember constituency and the candidate of another party in the single-mandate constituency. MMP is not theoretically supposed to strongly favor such choice. Yet, in the two countries many citizens split their votes; thus, in single-mandate constituencies votes typically concentrate on fewer candidates than in the proportional arena. This seems to be particularly the case in New Zealand. Voters act strategically while splitting their vote. There are evidences that this can be due both to a seat maximizing and to a localistic logic. Evidences are stronger for the latter.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-368
Author(s):  
Jakub Charvát

Abstract The paper explores and analyses processes of electoral reforms in selected Central European countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) in post-transitional period. The qualitative analysis focuses “only” on the enacted changes in electoral systems and its purpose is not to evaluate the impact and political consequences of individual changes but rather to concentrate, through a theoretically-informed detailed contextual analysis, on the electoral reform process itself. It is therefore concerned with contextual factors affecting, underlying, initiating and/or controlling these changes. The paper identifies political elites as the main actors of electoral reform processes in selected countries, and it tries to explain both motivations of political elites for changing status quo electoral systems and other circumstances of electoral reform processes in Central Europe as well. The analysis also suggests that processes of electoral reform in post-transitional period in Central Europe are characterized by a tendency to less proportional electoral system designs, with the only exception of the Slovak electoral reform of 1999 (due to specific political constellation), while it did not discover any clear tendency regarding personalization of electoral systems.


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