The Challenge of New Markets and Techniques

Author(s):  
Robert B. Gordon

Ironmakers in the Middle Atlantic states used canals and railways to reduce costs and expand the scale of production with new techniques based on mineral-coal fuel beginning in the 1820s. Salisbury forge and furnace proprietors, who still had teamsters hauling ore, fuel, and metal along dirt roads with wagons in summer and sleds in winter, knew that improved transportation systems would help them get their products to outside buyers. They were less aware that canals and railroads would eventually force them to confront new techniques adopted by ironmakers outside their district. Entrepreneurs in northwestern Connecticut had become interested in waterways as early as 1760, when they wanted to improve the Housatonic’s channel north to Massachusetts in order to float logs downriver to their sawmills. Although the General Assembly authorized a lottery to raise £300 for the project in 1761, the promoters accomplished nothing. The start of construction on the Erie Canal stimulated interest in building a canal along the Housatonic River that would open new markets for the northwest’s ironmakers. Urged on by John M. Holley and others, the Ousatonic Canal proprietors organized a company in 1822 to build from tidewater to Stockbridge, Massachusetts. However, when canal engineer Benjamin Wright’s survey showed the company would have to build enough locks to raise boats a total of 604 feet as they traversed the canal, the project’s supporters backed out. The promoters of the Sharon Canal project, intended to start in Sharon and go down the Oblong River into New York and thence follow the route later used by the Harlem Railroad, accomplished even less. John M. Holley had experienced railroad travel on his 1831 trip to Harpers Ferry. He and his neighbors realized that a railway up the Housatonic valley would gather traffic from the region’s ironworks and, with a connection to the Western Railroad in Massachusetts, open the first year-round route from New York City to Albany. (The railroad along the Hudson River between New York and Albany did not open until 1851.) Several of the region’s ironmasters, including J. M. Holley’s son A. H. Holley, helped raise funds for the construction of the Housatonic Railroad when the state issued a charter in 1836.

Author(s):  
Quincy D. Newell

Jane Manning experienced the gift of tongues shortly after her conversion, an event she took as a confirmation of her decision to join the Mormons. The rest of the Manning family appears to have converted to Mormonism after her and, together with white converts from the area, they all left Connecticut for Nauvoo, Illinois, under the direction of LDS missionary Charles Wesley Wandell. The practice of racial segregation on boats and railways meant that for much, if not all, of their journey from Connecticut to New York City and then up the Hudson River and west on the Erie Canal, the black and white members of the group were separated from one another. At some point during the trip, the black members of the group were refused further passage, so the Mannings walked the rest of the way. Jane’s memory of this portion of the journey emphasized God’s providence. When they arrived in Nauvoo, they found a bustling city that was struggling to accommodate newly arrived converts, many of whom were poor and vulnerable to the diseases that plagued the city.


Author(s):  
Robert B. Gordon

The adventurers who entered Connecticut’s Western Lands in 1730 I began ironmaking more than a hundred years after colonists first exploited the ore and fuel resources of British North America. The early colonists who set about making iron for export met with ill fortune: in 1621 Indians massacred the artisans who had just completed a furnace and forge at Falling Creek, Virginia. Scarce capital, inadequate skills, and poor transatlantic communication bankrupted the proprietors of the Saugus, Massachusetts, and New Haven, Connecticut, ironworks by 1675. When King George I got Parliament to restrain trade between England and Sweden in 1717, British manufacturers, cut off from their supplies of Scandinavian iron, began investing in American forges and furnaces. Conclusion of the seventeenth-century Indian wars had left large areas rich in timber and ore along the east coast safe for industry. New immigrants, primarily from Britain and Germany, brought their metallurgical skills to America, and colonists supported by British investors built ironworks first in Maryland and then in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and New Jersey, to produce metal for the export market. Americans in the Middle Atlantic colonies made enough iron by 1750 to provoke British regulation of their trade. The colonists made themselves the world’s third-largest iron producers by 1775 and, despite the predominance of agriculture, had firmly established industry in British North America. New Englanders lagged behind the Middle Atlantic colonists in ironmaking. Artisans from the failed Saugus works in Massachusetts slowly reestablished smelting on a small scale and by 1730 were building new works in the southeastern part of their colony. In New York, Robert Livingston had by 1685 gained control of an enormous manor adjacent to northwestern Connecticut. In 1730 he wanted to add iron to his manor’s products so that he could ship metal down the Hudson River to colonial and overseas customers. However, neither Livingston nor the Massachusetts ironmakers had anything like the high-grade ore resources discovered by the adventurers in Connecticut’s Western Lands. Fifty-two years after English colonists established themselves in Connecticut, James II sent Edmund Andros to British North America to set up a unified government over the New England colonies.


2005 ◽  
Vol 156 (8) ◽  
pp. 288-296
Author(s):  
Vittorio Magnago Lampugnani

In the first half of the 19th century scientific philosophers in the United States, such as Emerson and Thoreau, began to pursue the relationship between man and nature. Painters from the Hudson River School discovered the rural spaces to the north of New York and began to celebrate the American landscape in their paintings. In many places at this time garden societies were founded, which generated widespread support for the creation of park enclosures While the first such were cemeteries with the character of parks, housing developments on the peripheries of towns were later set in generous park landscapes. However, the centres of the growing American cities also need green spaces and the so-called «park movement»reached a first high point with New York's Central Park. It was not only an experimental field for modern urban elements, but even today is a force of social cohesion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146954052110139
Author(s):  
Collin Chua

In our era of late capitalism, we can bear witness to the ongoing creative fashioning of successful failure into a commodity which has grown in value. This article discusses two topics: firstly, attitudes towards and narratives of failure in the entrepreneurial start-up space; and secondly, how ‘successful failure’ is increasingly becoming marketised beyond the entrepreneurial start-up space, as people face the escalating power of an injunction to ‘learn from failure’, and are expected to perform accordingly, as we now live within what has been described as an entrepreneurial economy. The example that initiated this line of research has been the phenomenon of ‘Fuckup Night’ events: ‘Fuckup Nights is a global movement and event series that shares stories of professional failure. Each month, in events across the globe, we get three to four people to get up in front of a room full of strangers to share their own professional fuckup. The stories of the business that crashes and burns, the partnership deal that goes sour and the product that has to be recalled, we tell them all’. In essence, the message is as follows: ‘Yes, you should tell everyone about your failures, as the path you have trod on the route to success’. The marketisation of triumphalist narratives of failure illustrates the rise of a new ‘ideology that justifies engagement in capitalism’, calling for ‘workforce participation’ in a new way (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2007 The New Spirit of Capitalism. London and New York: Verso: 8). This article examines and theorises the commoditisation of successful failure: how certain kinds of failure have been packaged and produced for impact, how – properly packaged – successful failure has become a profitable and lucrative asset and how new markets now thrive around these newly commodified narratives of failure. The article explores the context for the emergence of appropriate market conditions for the production, circulation and consumption of ‘successful failure’ as commodity.


1976 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Caroline Hodges Persell ◽  
Jack E. Rossmann ◽  
Helen S. Astin ◽  
Alexander W. Astin ◽  
Elaine H. El-Khawas
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  

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