Workforce participation in relation to cancer diagnosis, type and stage: Australian population-based study of 163,556 middle-aged people

Purpose To quantify the relationship of cancer diagnosis to workforce participation in Australia, according to cancer type, clinical features and personal characteristics. Methods Questionnaire data (2006–2009) from participants aged 45–64 years (n=163,556) from the population-based 45 and Up Study (n=267,153) in New South Wales, Australia, were linked to cancer registrations to ascertain cancer diagnoses up to enrolment. Modified Poisson regression estimated age- and sex-adjusted prevalence ratios (PRs) for non-participation in the paid workforce—in participants with cancer (n=8,333) versus without (n=155,223), for 13 cancer types. Results Overall, 42% of cancer survivors and 29% of people without cancer were out of the workforce (PR=1.18; 95%CI=1.15–1.21). Workforce non-participation varied substantively by cancer type, being greatest for multiple myeloma (1.83; 1.53–2.18), oesophageal (1.70; 1.13–2.58) and lung cancer (1.68; 1.45–1.93) and moderate for colorectal (1.23; 1.15–1.33), breast (1.11; 1.06–1.16) and prostate cancer (1.06; 0.99–1.13). Long-term survivors, 5 or more years post-diagnosis, had 12% (7–16%) greater non-participation than people without cancer, and non-participation was greater with recent diagnosis, treatment or advanced stage. Physical disability contributed substantively to reduced workforce participation, regardless of cancer diagnosis. Conclusions Cancer survivors aged 45–64 continue to participate in the workforce. However, participation is lower than in people without cancer, varying by cancer type, and is reduced particularly around the time of diagnosis and treatment and with advanced disease. Implications for Cancer Survivors While many cancer survivors continue with paid work, participation is reduced. Workforce retention support should be tailored to survivor preferences, cancer type and cancer journey stage.

Successful failure: The marketisation of failure in an entrepreneurial economy

In our era of late capitalism, we can bear witness to the ongoing creative fashioning of successful failure into a commodity which has grown in value. This article discusses two topics: firstly, attitudes towards and narratives of failure in the entrepreneurial start-up space; and secondly, how ‘successful failure’ is increasingly becoming marketised beyond the entrepreneurial start-up space, as people face the escalating power of an injunction to ‘learn from failure’, and are expected to perform accordingly, as we now live within what has been described as an entrepreneurial economy. The example that initiated this line of research has been the phenomenon of ‘Fuckup Night’ events: ‘Fuckup Nights is a global movement and event series that shares stories of professional failure. Each month, in events across the globe, we get three to four people to get up in front of a room full of strangers to share their own professional fuckup. The stories of the business that crashes and burns, the partnership deal that goes sour and the product that has to be recalled, we tell them all’. In essence, the message is as follows: ‘Yes, you should tell everyone about your failures, as the path you have trod on the route to success’. The marketisation of triumphalist narratives of failure illustrates the rise of a new ‘ideology that justifies engagement in capitalism’, calling for ‘workforce participation’ in a new way (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2007 The New Spirit of Capitalism. London and New York: Verso: 8). This article examines and theorises the commoditisation of successful failure: how certain kinds of failure have been packaged and produced for impact, how – properly packaged – successful failure has become a profitable and lucrative asset and how new markets now thrive around these newly commodified narratives of failure. The article explores the context for the emergence of appropriate market conditions for the production, circulation and consumption of ‘successful failure’ as commodity.

The Influence of Economic Activity of Women in Malaysia and Guatemala on National Development

Emerging markets are amongst some of the fastest-growing economies on the globe. However, it is necessary to enhance human capital to enable the long-term development of a nation. The theory states that the increase in workforce participation favorably impacts GDP per capita. Additionally, developing markets can grow even further if they increase women’s rates in the labor market. The authors’ desire is to determine the main obstacles for women in the job market and identify the impact of female participation on national development. The authors applied the following methods of work: description and compilation of different literature and deduction method to show which relevant factors are recommended to make higher women’s economic activity to impacts the economy in a broader sense. The results show that Emerging markets must overcome gender inequalities, properly enforce female-related regulations, and invest in human development. The results also point out the relevance of a country’s level of development, culture, education, female-related laws, and their influence on women’s decision or ability to work. The discussion demonstrates that the rate of women in the workforce is increasing, but it is still severely lower than the men’s rate. The main issues are cultural stereotypes, limited access to the job market, and difficulties with combining work and childcare. When it comes to infrastructure and educational possibilities, remote areas are still underdeveloped. Furthermore, gender bias is still deeply rooted in rural society. The elimination of these stereotypes and the improvement (and enforcement) of women-related policies will contribute to higher female workforce participation in the future.

Cardiovascular disease subtypes, physical disability and workforce participation: A cross-sectional study of 163,562 middle-aged Australians

Background Workforce participation is reduced among people with cardiovascular disease (CVD). However, detailed quantitative evidence on this is limited. We examined the relationship of CVD to workforce participation in older working-age people, by CVD subtype, within population subgroups and considering the role of physical disability. Methods Questionnaire data (2006–2009) for participants aged 45–64 years (n = 163,562) from the population-based 45 and Up Study (n = 267,153) were linked to hospitalisation data through the Centre for Health Record Linkage. Prior CVD was from self-report or hospitalisation. Modified Poisson regression estimated adjusted prevalence ratios (PRs) for non-participation in the workforce in people with versus without CVD, adjusting for sociodemographic factors. Results There were 19,161 participants with CVD and 144,401 without. Compared to people without CVD, workforce non-participation was greater for those with CVD (40.0% vs 23.5%, PR = 1.36, 95%CI = 1.33–1.39). The outcome varied by CVD subtype: myocardial infarction (PR = 1.46, 95%CI = 1.36–1.55); cerebrovascular disease (PR = 1.92, 95%CI = 1.80–2.06); heart failure (PR = 1.83, 95%CI = 1.68–1.98) and peripheral vascular disease (PR = 1.76, 95%CI = 1.65–1.88). Workforce non-participation in those with CVD versus those without was at least 21% higher in all population subgroups examined, with PRs ranging from 1.75 (95%CI = 1.65–1.85) in people aged 50–55 years to 1.21 (95%CI = 1.19–1.24) among those aged 60–64. Compared to people with neither CVD nor physical functioning limitations, those with physical functional limitations were around three times as likely to be out of the workforce regardless of CVD diagnosis; participants with CVD but without physical functional limitations were 13% more likely to be out of the workforce (PR = 1.13, 95%CI = 1.07–1.20). Conclusions While many people with CVD participate in the workforce, participation is substantially lower, especially for people with cerebrovascular disease, than for people without CVD, highlighting priority areas for research and support, particularly for people experiencing physical functioning limitations.

India’s Missing Working Women: How COVID-19 Pushed Women out of Formal Labour Markets

India’s women were disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 induced lockdowns and economic disruptions. Recent high frequency data demonstrates that that women suffered massive job and income losses. In December 2020, nine months into the lockdown, there were still 11.5 million fewer persons in the labour force vs. December 2019, 4 million men and 7.5 million women. The overall size of the labour force shrunk by 2.6% between December 2019 to December 2020, yet the size of the female labour force shrunk by 14%, vs. 1% for men. Women faced stricter mobility restrictions, limiting their access to workplaces. Across income strata, women’s unpaid domestic responsibilities increased, with some estimates showing a 30% increase in carework, leaving them little time for seeking renumerated employment. Gender digital divides worsened, leaving women without access to digital business and online education, increasingly important in a post-COVID-19 economy. Most importantly, women faced the scourge of the shadow pandemic of domestic violence, rendering them insecure and unable to work. Despite being one of the world’s fastest growing emerging economies, only a quarter of Indian women were in the labour force even pre- COVID-19. Analysis of time series data over the last five decades (1970-2018), shows that women’s labour force and workforce participation rates have secularly declined to their lowest levels since Independence. Given this disparate impact of COVID-19, in the absence of targeted policy interventions designed to support retention and promote women’s workforce participation, women are likely to continue being excluded from India’s spectacular growth story. Keywords: Women, labour force, wage gaps, India, post-COVID-19 recovery

Chile's economic rebound will not reverse COVID impact

Significance According to most forecasts, growth this year will approximately make up the ground lost in 2020, but with the important risk of lagged social effects. Impacts Female workforce participation and the resulting second income can be key to preventing a family from slipping back into poverty. Changes in the labour market, such as remote work and automation, will call for increased worker training. Relief measures and the resulting fiscal deficit of 7.4% of GDP in 2020 will urge the need for tax reform.

Unhealthy, Unwealthy and Left Behind – Workforce Participation and Inequality Among Older Australians

BackgroundAustralians born in 2012 can expect to live about 33 years longer than those born 100 years earlier. However, only seven of these additional years are spent in the workforce. Longer life expectancy has driven policies to extend working life and increase retirement age, the current Australian policy, which has increased the eligibility for the pension from 65 to 67 by 2023, assumes that an improvement in longevity corresponds with an improvement in health expectancy. However, there is mixed evidence of health trends in Australia over the past two decades. Although some health outcomes are improving among older age groups, many are either stable or deteriorating. This raises the question of how health trends intersect with policy for older Australians aged from 50-70. This paper considers the interplay between older workers’ health and workforce participation rates over the past 15 years when extended workforce participation has been actively encouraged. MethodsWe compared health and economic outcomes of the older people in following years with the base year (start of the study period), adjusting for some key socio-economic characteristics such as age, sex, ethnicity, education and equivalized household income by applying the Random effects estimator with maximum likelihood estimation technique.Results We find that regardless of increasing longevity, the health of older adults aged between 50-70 has slightly deteriorated. In addition, health gaps between those who were working into their older age and those who were not have widened over the 15-year period. Finally, we find that widening health gaps linked to workforce participation are also accompanied by rising economic inequality in incomes, financial assets and superannuation. With the exception of a small group of healthy and very wealthy retirees, the majority of the older Australians who were not working had low incomes, assets, superannuation, and poor health.ConclusionsThe widening economic and health gap within older population over time indicates a clear and urgent need to add policy actions on income and health, to those that seek to increase workforce participation among older adults.