Liberals used to love religious freedom

Author(s):  
Andrew Koppelman

The idea of religious liberty was, for a long time, uncontroversial common ground between right and left. The idea of a private sphere that government must respect—an idea at the core of the gay rights movement—has its roots in dissenting Protestantism. It became the basis for the practice of religious exemptions from generally applicable laws. As recently as 1993, Congress almost unanimously enacted a federal statute codifying that practice. That law continues to produce results that liberals admire, protecting prisoners from arbitrary treatment and religious minorities, notably Muslims, from discrimination. If you want to protect the right to be different, this is a good place to start.

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-53
Author(s):  
Kaushik Paul

In recent years, the wearing of Islamic dress in public spaces and elsewhere has generated widespread controversy all over Europe. The wearing of the hijab and other Islamic veils has been the subject of adjudication before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on many occasions. The most recent case before the ECtHR as to the prohibition on wearing the hijab is Lachiri v Belgium. In this case, the ECtHR held that a prohibition on wearing the hijab in the courtroom constitutes an infringement of Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which guarantees the right to freedom of religion or belief. From the perspective of religious freedom, the ruling of the Strasbourg Court in Lachiri is very significant for many reasons. The purpose of this comment is critically to analyse the ECtHR's decision in Lachiri from the standpoint of religious liberty.


Author(s):  
Ahdar Rex ◽  
Leigh Ian

This chapter examines religious freedom issues that concern the family and parents. There can be no doubt that religiously devout parents are vitally interested in the successful transmission of their faith to their offspring. This is one of the prime incidents of religious liberty. One US judge ventured that ‘no aspect of religious freedom is more treasured than the right of parents to teach children to worship God’. The chapter is organized as follows. Section II outlines the current law governing family autonomy and the religious upbringing of children. Section III contrasts liberal and religious conceptions of the family and childrearing. Section IV explores three controversial topics. First, does a maturing child have an independent right of religious liberty? If not, should she? Second, what is the scope of religious childrearing in the fractured family? Do divorced or separated parents have attenuated rights compared to those parents who are still together? Third, do devout parents have any special religious claim to administer corporal punishment to their children amidst the growing international call for the abolition of the parental right of reasonable chastisement?


Author(s):  
W. Cole Durham ◽  
Elizabeth A. Clark

This chapter analyzes the role that the fundamental right to freedom of religion or belief plays in ending or averting religious warfare, and in providing necessary footings for crystallizing peace out of conflict. After stressing that there is a tendency to lay exaggerated blame for many conflicts on religion, the chapter explores the Lockean insight that under certain circumstances, religious pluralism can serve as a stabilizing factor in society if states protect the right to religious diversity instead of imposing homogeneity. International limitation clauses on the scope of religious liberty play an important filtering role in promoting the positive contributions religion makes to society, while constraining negative religious effects. The analysis argues that secularity, understood as a framework welcoming religious pluralism, rather than secularism, as an ideology advocating secularization as an end in itself, is most conducive to the peacebuilding potential of religious freedom.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Leigh

This article analyses recent trends in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights concerned with the right to freedom of thought, belief and religion (Article 9, European Convention on Human Rights) and the right of parents to respect by the state for their religious and philosophical views in the education of their children (Article 2, Protocol 1).1 These developments include notable decisions concerned with protection from religious persecution in Georgia, with religious education in Norway and Turkey and with the display of crucifixes in state schools in Italy. It is apparent that the European Convention religious liberty jurisprudence increasingly stresses the role of the state as a neutral protector of religious freedom. For individuals religious freedom is now also recognised to include not only the right to manifest their religious belief but also freedom from having to declare their religious affiliation. As the religious liberty jurisprudence comes of age, other significant developments, for example in relation to conscientious objection to military service, can be anticipated.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Hatzis

Is the government ever justified in restricting offensive speech? This question has become particularly important in relation to communications which offend the religious sensibilities of listeners. It is often argued that insulting a person’s beliefs is tantamount to disrespecting the believer; that insults are a form of hatred or intolerance; that the right to religious freedom includes a more specific right not to be insulted in one’s beliefs; that religious minorities have a particularly strong claim to be protected from offence; and that censorship of offensive speech is necessary for the prevention of social disorder and violence. None of those arguments is convincing. Offence is an unpleasant mental state caused when our expectations of being treated in a particular way are frustrated. Drawing on law and philosophy, the book argues that there is no moral right to be protected from offence and that, while freedom of religion is an important right which grounds negative and positive obligations for the state, it is unpersuasive to interpret constitutional and human rights provisions as including a right not to be caused offence. Rather, we have good reasons to think of public discourse as a space for the expression of all viewpoints about the ethical life, including those which some listeners will find offensive, as this is necessary to sustain a society’s capacity for self-reflection and change.


1889 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Schaff

An Edict or Act of Toleration is a grant of the civil government, which authorizes religious societies dissenting from the State religion to worship according to the dictates of conscience without liability to persecution. Such an Edict always presupposes a religion established by law and supported by the State, and the right of the State to control public worship. Toleration may proceed from necessity, or from prudence, or from indifference, or from liberality and an enlarged view of truth and right. It may be extended or withdrawn by the government; but it is usually the entering wedge for religious liberty and legal equality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 205-213
Author(s):  
Jan Woleński

THE PUBLIC SPHERE, THE PRIVATE SPHERE AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOMThis paper considers the problem of religious freedom in the context of Polish Constittution 1997. One should distinguish religious liberty right to do something and religious freedom in­dependence of religion. Both cases are difficult to be sharply delimited, similarly as interference of religious sphere and out-religious sphere comprising law and morality as basic forms of social con­trol. The rational regulation of the problem of religious liberty and freedom should aim at a proper equilibrium between sacrum and profanum in the democratic system. The author points out that Polish state does not succeed in this respect.


2021 ◽  
Vol 258 ◽  
pp. 05007
Author(s):  
Lan Hien Do

For a long time, social awareness still asserts that religion with a supernatural belief system will bring people peace and help believers face challenges of life. People who perform religious rituals will create a “mechanism” to fight stress, reduce psychological stress, and even cure illnesses. But another reality exists, religious beliefs can be a factor causing people to behave in the wrong way such as killing innocent people, committing suicide or threatening the right to life, the right to political, social stability, the right to religious freedom of others. Religion can become an opportunity, power to control human security, community security, social security, more extensively national security and ideological maintenance of that nation. Therefore, it is necessary to study the topic of religious security adequately with the extent of its influence. In this article, I will analyze the current situation of religious security in Vietnam by assessing the religious activities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Mahmud Arif

The issue of human rights has prevailed globally although it is can’t denied that historically that issue comes from tradition of the West Liberalism based on individualism standpoint. In fact, freedom and equality as essential part of human rights have not been appreciated yet suitably in the realm of long history of humankind so it was still found the slavery system. Even in the modern time, at several regions, the right of vote consisting of human right has not possessed by the women. There was a accusation from some scholars in the West that Islam is a religion opposing to human rights and gender equality. They argue that Islam has justified any religious violence, has cut religious freedom down, and has tolerated gender unequality. If it is viewed from the basic principle of takhfif wa rahmah (giving easiness and love), such accusation looks obviously problematic, because Islamic tenets normatively appreciate to establish human rights and gender equality. But empirically, religious interpretation often contributes in mainstreaming culture that castrates any religious freedom and gender equality. As one of religious interpretation product, fiqih (Islamic jurisprudence) for instance is claimed to contain many problems relating to religious freedom and gender equality. Such is the case, the reality of our national education. For a long time, in the Indonesian school system there are many factors causing failure of every endeavor for achieving the aim of human right education. This means that such basic priciple must be reactualized in the education system through hard efforts in humanizing education processes and pupil’s potencies.[Isu hak asasi manusia (HAM) telah mencuat sedemikian universal meski tidak bisa dinafikan bahwa dalam sejarahnya isu ini bermula dari tradisi liberalisme Barat yang titik pijaknya individual. Kebebasan dan kesetaraan sebagai elemen penting HAM ternyata belum diapresiasi secara semestinya dalam sejarah panjang pelbagai peradaban sehingga masih ditemukan adanya sistem perbudakan. Bahkan dalam kurun modern ini pun di sebagian wilayah, hak untuk memilih yang menjadi bagian dari hak asasi belum juga dinikmati oleh kaum perempuan. Muncul tuduhan dari sebagian kalangan di Barat bahwa Islam adalah agama anti HAM dan bias gender. Argumen yang dikemukakan, Islam membenarkan tindak kekerasan atasnama agama, memasung kekebasan beragama, dan mentolerir ketidakadilan terhadap perempuan. Diletakkan dalam konteks prinsip dasar takhfif wa raḥmah, tuduhan tersebut nampak problematik, mengingat secara normatif ajaran Islam sangatlah menjunjung tinggi penegakan HAM dan kesetaraan gender. Hanya saja, dalam realitas empirisnya tafsir keagamaan tidak jarang justru ikut andil dalam pembentukan arus besar budaya yang memberangus kebebasan beragama dan ketidakadilan terhadap kaum perempuan. Sebagai salah satu produk tafsir keagamaan, fikih misalnya diakui masih menyimpan banyak persoalan menyangkut kekebasan beragama dan kesetaraan gender. Demikian halnya dengan dunia pendidikan nasional. Selama ini, dalam sistem persekolahan di Indonesia masih banyak ditemukan faktor penyebab kegagalan bagi setiap upaya mencapai tujuan pendidikan HAM. Ini berarti prinsip dasar tersebut perlu diejawantahkan dalam sistem pendidikan melalui upaya memaksimalkan peran humanisasi dan hominisasi pendidikan.]


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