Epilogue

2021 ◽  
pp. 192-202
Author(s):  
Erin R. Pineda

The trouble started late on the evening of June 16, 1964, when members of the Ku Klux Klan set fire to a church outside of Philadelphia, Mississippi. Mount Zion Church was slated to host one of many new “freedom schools” across the state—grassroots institutions designed to empower and organize local black youth through an alternative curriculum focused on black history, civic education, and nonviolent resistance....

Author(s):  
Nataliia Onishchenko

The article is devoted to the value-communicative potential of modern legal science in building a mature, active civil society. In particular, the role of legal science in establishing the general discussion between man, civil society and the state is emphasized. A separate vector of consideration is the coverage of the role of legal science in modern law-making processes: increasing the role of legal culture, legal consciousness, overcoming the phenomena of legal nihilism and legal pessimism, as well as the importance of civic education in modern democratic processes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Farida Sekti Pahlevi

Citizenship education is an integral part of the national education system.Therefore the civic education process needs to be addressed in the curriculum and learning on all paths and levels of education.Functions and roles in the context of achieving national educational objectives, civic education are designed, developed, implemented and evaluated in the context of the embodiment of national education objectives.They are the foundation and frame of mind for understanding and applying civic education.Citizenship education is a very urgent need for the nation in building a safe, comfortable, peaceful, prosperous life.In building a civilized democracy, it needs a generation of intelligent, strong-minded nation.There are several reasons why civic education is urgently needed, firstly, the rise in political literacy and not political literacy and not knowing the workings of democracy and its institutions;Secondly, the increased politichal apathism is demonstrated by the lack of citizen involvement in political processes.The intellectual, emotional, social, and spiritual formation of intelligent citizens is really a demand and necessity.This is where the existence of civic education becomes a very important tool for democratic countries including the state of Indonesia in order to give birth to a generation of nations who know the values of nationality based on Pancasila and have the necessary skills in transforming, actualizing and preserving everything that is owned by NKRI.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Natalie R. Davis ◽  
Aixa D. Marchand ◽  
Stephanie S. Moore ◽  
Dana Greene ◽  
Amanda Colby

2020 ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Ioana Emy Matesan

This chapter develops a theory of principled and pragmatic adjustment to explain tactical shifts in Islamist organizations. It argues that Islamist groups shift between nonviolent and violent tactics depending on the perceived need for activism, the cost of violent resistance or nonviolent resistance, and the internal and external pressures they face. Groups legitimize violence when their grievances are escalating and violent norms of resistance are prevalent. External pressures from the state or internal pressures arising from competition for authority trigger the shift from violent rhetoric to violent behavior. Once groups engage in violence, their decisions on tactical shifts are no longer about relative grievances, but about organizational imperatives and the cost of violence. Organizational weakness and public opposition to violence raise the cost of aggressive tactics and drive groups to put armed campaigns on hold, or to focus on rebuilding capacity. However, for a group to permanently move away from violence, the organization must be faced with an existential crisis and with public condemnation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lara Campos Pérez

This article takes a close look at the iconographic construction of the so-called “otherness” in Spain between 1936 and 1945. During this three year period of civil unrest, the Franco regime set out to cast the defeated half of the war as an inimical “other.” In this process of building an impression of the “other,” the “New State,” created after April 1, 1939, played an important role, since in many ways the existence of this enemy “other” could favour unity between the rest, or “us.” The State used mandatory education as an efficient socialization tool in this process. The text looks at the different ways in which the image of the “other” was used in books that taught History, Civic Education and Patriotic Education in primary school.


Phronimon ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Allsobrook ◽  
Gugu Ndlazi

We contend that lockdown restrictions to prevent the spread of Covid-19 in South Africa have exposed deep divisions between citizens and the state, due in part to the neglect of citizenship education and to the neglect of our historical citizenship heritage. We propose in this paper two sources of appropriate normative guidelines, rooted in our common, collective history and ethics, which we ought to promote among citizens to reunite our people. We argue that citizenship education ought not only to be promoted actively in schools but that it must be reformed on the basis of two sets of foundational principles: a) Ubuntu; and b) the Freedom Charter. These encourage integration between citizens and subjects, and between citizens and the state; not to impose false universality from above, nor incoherent heteronomy from below, but to regulate these with cultural and historical continuity in transformation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-420
Author(s):  
Chaniqua D. Simpson ◽  
Avery Walter ◽  
Kim Ebert

Media outlets and academics often oversimplify and mischaracterize current manifestations of Black mobilization as a movement that opposes police violence against Black men, supports police reform, and desires assimilation and integration into the state. In reality, however, the movement is much more complex. We examine how Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), a prominent organization in the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), creates, teaches, and negotiates ideology. Drawing on fieldwork with Black organizers involved in the M4BL, in-depth interviews and conversations with Black organizers, and a content analysis of primary documents from the movement, we find that rather than promote assimilation, Black organizers use intersectional ideology to socialize members into an understanding of a racialized state. This socialization allows members to develop political subjectivity that not only challenges the state but also transforms their everyday lives and relationships.


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