“BRAINWASHING FOR THE RIGHT REASONS WITH THE RIGHT MESSAGE”: IDEOLOGY AND POLITICAL SUBJECTIVITY IN BLACK ORGANIZING

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-420
Author(s):  
Chaniqua D. Simpson ◽  
Avery Walter ◽  
Kim Ebert

Media outlets and academics often oversimplify and mischaracterize current manifestations of Black mobilization as a movement that opposes police violence against Black men, supports police reform, and desires assimilation and integration into the state. In reality, however, the movement is much more complex. We examine how Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), a prominent organization in the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), creates, teaches, and negotiates ideology. Drawing on fieldwork with Black organizers involved in the M4BL, in-depth interviews and conversations with Black organizers, and a content analysis of primary documents from the movement, we find that rather than promote assimilation, Black organizers use intersectional ideology to socialize members into an understanding of a racialized state. This socialization allows members to develop political subjectivity that not only challenges the state but also transforms their everyday lives and relationships.

Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-195
Author(s):  
Petru Negură

Abstract The Centre for the Homeless in Chișinău embodies on a small scale the recent evolution of state policies towards the homeless in Moldova (a post-Soviet state). This institution applies the binary approach of the state, namely the ‘left hand’ and the ‘right hand’, towards marginalised people. On the one hand, the institution provides accommodation, food, and primary social, legal assistance and medical care. On the other hand, the Shelter personnel impose a series of disciplinary constraints over the users. The Shelter also operates a differentiation of the users according to two categories: the ‘recoverable’ and those deemed ‘irrecoverable’ (persons with severe disabilities, people with addictions). The personnel representing the ‘left hand’ (or ‘soft-line’) regularly negotiate with the employees representing the ‘right hand’ (‘hard-line’) of the institution to promote a milder and a more humanistic approach towards the users. This article relies on multi-method research including descriptive statistical analysis with biographical records of 810 subjects, a thematic analysis of in-depth interviews with homeless people (N = 65), people at risk of homelessness (N = 5), professionals (N = 20) and one ethnography of the Shelter.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 622-638
Author(s):  
Jürgen Maier

In order to analyze whether the entry of the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) into parliaments has changed parliamentary debate culture a content analysis of budget debates for the period 2012-2017 is conducted, where the frequency of interruptions and the use of uncivil utterances during the speaker’s interruption in seven German state parliaments are measured before and after the entry of the AfD . The measured changes to developments in the two German states where the AfD did not succeed in moving into the state parliament are compared . The frequency of interruptions - and thus the conflictual nature of parliamentary debates - has increased as a result of the presence of the AfD . However, there are no indications that the increase in incivility is related to the entry of the AfD into the state parliaments . The likelihood of the AfD’s confrontational appearance increases with its parliamentary significance (e .g ., the share of seats) . By contrast, it is irrelevant for the appearance of the AfD in parliamentary debates whether they are more movement-oriented or more parliament-oriented .


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (95) ◽  
pp. 620-643
Author(s):  
Renan Gomes de Moura ◽  
Rejane Prevot Nascimento ◽  
Denise Franca Barros

Abstract This article seeks to understand how femininity is understood by organizations from the perspective of masculine homosexuals, with a special focus on the concept of Ableism. In this qualitative research, data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 masculine homosexuals living in the state of Rio de Janeiro and the corpus was analysed using Content Analysis (Bardin, 2009). Our field research showed that effeminate gays and women are considered to be inferior to those people with heteromasculine behavior. In this context, femininity within the organizational environment is considered as a deficiency, and those who have this deficiency are excluded from this environment or encouraged to overcome this deficiency.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
M. Khoirul Hadi al-Asy Ari ◽  
Adrika Fithrotul Aini

A Woman’s Right to Marry without a Guardian According to Imam Syafi’i and Imam Ja’Fari To marry without a guardian and the issue of the marriage guardian are legal marriage issues that always  arouse debate among Muslims. In classical literature, “it seems” women do not have the right to marry without a guardian. This paper examines whether women have the right to marry without a guardian and the  issue of guardians. This matter not explained explicitly or in detail by the Prophet resulting in a multiplicity  of interpretations. Religious leaders and schools of thought, as well as the State, discuss and examine these issues from a variety of perspectives. This paper explains the view of Imam Shafi’i and Iman Ja’fari, based on content analysis ond library-based research. This study looks firstly at patterns of thought and socio-cultural life according to Imam Shafi’i and Imam Ja’fari. Secondly, it discusses their views on the women’s right to marry without a guardian. Lastly, it explores the implications of their thought on the practice of women marrying without a guardian in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 191-212
Author(s):  
Nicholas Rush Smith

As apartheid collapsed, South Africa set out on one of the most ambitious police reform projects the world had ever seen. However, in 2008, senior state officials began calling for restrictions on police violence to be lifted with the effect that high rates of police violence have become a primary crime control strategy. This chapter examines this shift in the context of the South African state’s failure to bring the country’s persistent vigilante violence under control. It does so in two ways. First, the chapter examines the contradictory ways in which South African state officials navigate the tensions between advocating for the post-apartheid rights regime while arguing that such rights may inhibit the state’s ability to fight crime. Second, it examines how young men in Durban’s underworld experience the state, showing how rumors of procedureless police violence creates an image for them of the state as a large-scale vigilante organization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-196
Author(s):  
Luciane Leopoldo Belin ◽  

This article analyses 28 articles of a manifesto that launched a new phase for the Brazilian newspaper Gazeta do Povo, and officially presented its political opinion on various social, moral, religious and political issues. Mannheim's concept and its applications in the current Brazilian reality, as well as a brief discussion about the transformations of journalism in the digital age, this article uses a methodology divided in two parts —content analysis combined with lexical analysis— to understand what are the characteristics of contemporary conservative thinking present in the material in question. The presence of a critical discourse to the positions of progressive movements such as feminist and LGBTI+, the recurrence of arguments against the right to abortion and the defense of maintaining the concept of the traditional family are some of the results found in the analysis, which also identified the presence of a concern with aspects related to entrepreneurship. In the analyzed content, the idea of «family» appears as a central element and religion, recurrent aspect within the considered content, is associated with the State much more than the rights and autonomy of women.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Pullara ◽  
Maura Large

The current “State of Jefferson” movement is comprised of residents of a large rural region encompassing much of Northern California and Southern Oregon, where many inhabitants claim the right to statehood. Since its origins in 1941, the State of Jefferson remains an obscure movement for most scholars and is simply labeled a regionalist movement. While Jefferson possesses every factor of a secession movement, including economic and socio-political variables, the complexity of its ideology and identity has not been studied. This study aimed to answer the question, “How do those who claim to represent the State of Jefferson secession movement describe Jeffersonian identity and characterize the ideology of the movement? Under the guidance of framing theory, which states that “media, as well as individuals, frame issues according to their own views and values” (M’Bareck 9), a content analysis of ten Facebook accounts was used to provide unfiltered and authentic rhetoric espoused by the movement. Results indicated that the movement is driven by agrarianism, possesses conservative, yet libertarian values, and embraces an ideology of Jeffersonianism reflected in the name of the state. While remaining closely tied to their ideology, Jeffersonian self-identification is also rooted in the rural nature of the region in which they reside.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-88
Author(s):  
Mohd Faez Mohd Shah ◽  
Norhidayah Pauzi

In the discipline of Islamic law research, strong proofing and clear Istinbat method are key pillars in the construction of Islamic law based on the application of the science of usul al-fiqh and maqasid al-shari'ah. However, what happens at the state of Johor’s fatwa institution is the opposite. The fatwa research methods applied by the Fatwa Committee of Johor in resolving current fatwa issues is not based on the right and true discipline of Islamic law research. In fact, current inputs related to fatwa issues are not explicitly stated in the method of determining the law either in the form of reality or scientifically verified. Therefore, this paper will discuss the fatwa procedures undertaken by the Fatwa Committee of Johor based on the methods applied in resolving current issues. The research methodology adopted is library and interview methods. This study shows that fatwa management and production in the state of Johor is placed under the jurisdiction of the Mufti of Johor’s Department. The methods adopted by the Fatwa Committee of Johor covers two methods, namely: internal research methods including literature review through the application of original source and proofs based on syarak. Second: field research method that includes an external review or going to the location of study such as conducting observation, questionnaires and interviews including referrals to specialists of different fields. Maslahah and mafsdah consideration are also implemented by the Fatwa Committee in every fatwa decision based on the standard that meets the interests of maqasid al-shari'ah. Keywords: Metode, fatwa, istinbat, usul al-fiqh, maqasid al-shari’ah ABSTRAK Dalam disiplin penyelidikan hukum Islam, kekuatan pendalilan dan kaedah istinbat yang jelas merupakan tunggak utama dalam pembinaan hukum Islam berasaskan kepada aplikasi ilmu usul al-fiqh dan maqasid al-shari’ah. Namun begitu, apa yang berlaku di institusi fatwa negeri Johor adalah sebaliknya. Kaedah penyelidikan fatwa yang diaplikasi oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor dalam menyelesaikan isu fatwa semasa tidak berasaskan kepada disiplin penyelidikan hukum Islam yang tepat dan sebenar. Malahan input-input semasa yang berkaitan dengan isu fatwa juga tidak dinyatakan secara jelas dalam kaedah penentuan hukum sama ada dalam bentuk realiti yang berlaku atau pembuktian secara saintifik. Justeru, kertas kerja ini akan membincangkan prosedur fatwa Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor berdasarkan metode-metode yang diaplikasi dalam menyelesaikan isu-isu yang bersifat semasa. Metodologi kajian yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah melalui metode perpustakaan dan metode lapangan. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahawa pengurusan dan pengeluaran fatwa di negeri Johor hanya terletak di bawah bidang kuasa Jabatan Mufti Johor. Metode fatwa yang diamalkan oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor merangkumi dua metode iaitu pertama, kaedah penyelidikan dalaman yang merangkumi kajian kepustakaan menerusi pengaplikasian dari sumber asas dan dalil-dalil syarak. Kedua, kaedah penyelidikan lapangan yang meliputi kajian luaran atau turun ke lokasi kajian seperti observasi, soal selidik dan temubual dan rujukan kepada pakar dalam bidang yang berlainan. Pertimbangan maslahah dan mafsdah juga dimplementasikan oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa dalam setiap keputusan fatwanya berasaskan standard yang menepati kepentingan maqasid al-shari’ah. Kata kunci: Metode, fatwa, istinbat, usul al-fiqh, maqasid al-shari’ah


Author(s):  
Corey Brettschneider

How should a liberal democracy respond to hate groups and others that oppose the ideal of free and equal citizenship? The democratic state faces the hard choice of either protecting the rights of hate groups and allowing their views to spread, or banning their views and violating citizens' rights to freedoms of expression, association, and religion. Avoiding the familiar yet problematic responses to these issues, this book proposes a new approach called value democracy. The theory of value democracy argues that the state should protect the right to express illiberal beliefs, but the state should also engage in democratic persuasion when it speaks through its various expressive capacities: publicly criticizing, and giving reasons to reject, hate-based or other discriminatory viewpoints. Distinguishing between two kinds of state action—expressive and coercive—the book contends that public criticism of viewpoints advocating discrimination based on race, gender, or sexual orientation should be pursued through the state's expressive capacities as speaker, educator, and spender. When the state uses its expressive capacities to promote the values of free and equal citizenship, it engages in democratic persuasion. By using democratic persuasion, the state can both respect rights and counter hateful or discriminatory viewpoints. The book extends this analysis from freedom of expression to the freedoms of religion and association, and shows that value democracy can uphold the protection of these freedoms while promoting equality for all citizens.


ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Vindhi Putri Pratiwi ◽  
Muhammad Eko Atmojo ◽  
Dyah Mutiarin ◽  
Awang Darumurti ◽  
Helen Dian Fridayani

The purpose of this research is to see the open selection mechanism in the government of Bantul district. Because the success of bureaucratic reform is a part of human resources within the government bureaucracy. Therefore it is necessary to have human resource management to realize a state of civil apparatus with integrity, professionalism and competence. In this study, researchers used qualitative approach methods. Where in the technique is done in-depth interviews to get information and gather other supporting documents on this research. Human resource management could be done by structuring employees through an open selection mechanism. The Government of Bantul District has conducted an open selection in structuring employees who are in their government. Because the open selection is considered a solution in the screening of the state civil apparatus. Moreover, the Bantul Government in the open selection process uses several stages including administration selection, competency tests, interviews, and paper presentations. With the existence of several stages carried out in the open selection process by the Bantul Government, it is expected to capture and create a state civil apparatus who are professional and competent in running of bureaucracy in the government. So the existence of the state civil apparatus competent then will be influenced in its performance.


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