The Global Fund

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-136
Author(s):  
Laura A. Henry ◽  
Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom

This chapter compares the efforts of NGOs in Russia and South Africa to mediate global approaches to tackling the HIV/AIDS epidemic in their home contexts. It illustrates both the benefits and drawbacks of engaging with GGIs that offer significant levels of authority to NGOs along with very specific rules and standards. Such strong tools, when placed in NGOs’ hands, can help them to mediate effectively in a welcoming domestic political environment; but if dominant political actors oppose global norms, they can lead to pitched battles between civil society and government actors. NGO activists who persevere in a relatively open democratic regime that protects civil and political rights, such as South Africa, can contribute to domestic normative change over time, leading eventually to government policies that align with global principles. Where the political environment is relatively closed and repressive of civil society, as in Russia, NGOs may struggle to muster sufficient authority to mediate effectively.

1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Libbey

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC STATES HAVE USUALLY COME into existence as the manifestation of a principle of political philosophy or as the result of a compromise among forces with different aspirations for the polity. Often both factors have been involved. Certainly the consequences for political behaviour of introducing any particular structure have been of concern to its architects, but many of these consequences are unforeseeable and the actual impact of an institutional change or the character of a formal role may in time become quite different from that intended.For a political actor, such as an individual, an interest group or a party, formal structures are given attributes of the political environment. Along with the more diffuse qualities of the political culture, they constitute the framework within which political actors must compete for influence over public policy. This framework, both formal and informal, is uneven in its effects on the fortunes of the various political forces. It favours some approaches and some groups more and in different ways than it favours others. The British Labour Party, with its concentrated voting strength, is disadvantaged by the single-member district/plurality electoral system, while its counterpart in Germany is able to maximize its strength in a system of proportional representation.


Author(s):  
Bob Jessop

For both Marx and Gramsci, the separation between the economic and political spheres was a key feature of bourgeois societies. Marx saw the conflict between bourgeois and citoyen as requiring resistance to this separation as crucial to democratic emancipation and wrote that the Paris Commune realized this. He also saw social emancipation in terms of the expansion of free time rather than work time. Gramsci argued that civil society became more important in the 1870s as the masses gained the vote in political rights. They both argued that democracy could not be restricted to the political sphere but should also involve economic democracy. This is undermined by the expansion of the world market and survival of national states.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riccardo Ciavolella

This article retraces the parallel and contrasting developments of state formation and of citizenship in Mauritania, recasting the reflection on postcolonial and anthropological debates on citizenship and state and civil society. In this perspective, cultural, ethnic and even “racial” differences – such as the Arabs/Africans or White/Black peoples dichotomies – have alternatively been considered as a social resource for consolidating a postcolonial nation or a threat to social harmony and to political development. The article deconstructs both of these positions in order to show their common features in their tendency to reduce state and civil society relationships to a matter of “horizontal” interactions between social groups. The hypothesis is that these visions have historically played a depoliticizing role, hiding the “vertical” dimension of relationships between hegemonic governing elites and social groups that are economically and socially fragmented, hierarchized, and even discriminated against. The article proceeds in three steps. First, it shows the way in which issues of identity are highly sensitive in contemporary Mauritania, relying particularly on a recent case of ethnic discrimination during a census campaign. It then retraces the evolution of political and intellectual debates on identities in Mauritanian society, putting them in perspective with the evolution of political power or of the political interests and views of social and political actors. Finally, it relies on historical and ethnographic records about a particular social group (a pastoral Fulani lineage), which does not fit into usual ethnic categories and dichotomies, and by that ultimately shows the political value of discourses on identity.


Sílex ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Edwin Cohaila

El Perú ha atravesado, en este período gubernamental que empezó el 2016, diferentes situaciones políticas, la renuncia del presidente Kucyznski, la asunción al mando por parte de su vicepresidente Martín Vizcarra, el cierre del Congreso, la prisión preventiva de muchos actores políticos; sin embargo, se continuó con el régimen democrático, lo que podría suponer que la población mantiene un apoyo al sistema político y una tolerancia política, puesto que todo se encauzó dentro del marco constitucional. Para averiguar esta situación, se analizará la data que provee el Barómetro de las Américas (LAPOP) para los años 2016/2017 y 2018/2019 para el caso peruano, pero haciendo notar si existe alguna diferencia entre ambos periodos según la identidad étnica. El análisis manifiesta que el apoyo al sistema político se ha mantenido sin variación, mientras que la tolerancia política se ha incrementado; no obstante, al interior de la identidad étnica no todos los grupos se han mantenido bajo esa misma línea, ya que se observan diferencias significativas en especial en el grupo étnico quechua y mestizo. Peru has gone through this governmental period that began in 2016 with different political situations, resignation of President Kucyznski, assumption of command by his vice president Martín Vizcarra, closure of Congress, preventive detention of many political actors; however, the democratic regime continued, which could suppose that the population maintains support for the political system and political tolerance, since everything was channeled within the constitutional framework. To find out this situation, the data provided by the Latin American Public Opinion Project for the years 2016/2017 and 2018/2019 will be analyzed for the Peruvian case, but noting if there is any difference between the two periods according to ethnic identity. The analysis shows that support for the political system has remained unchanged, while political tolerance has increased, although within ethnic identity not all groups have remained along the same line, since there are significant differences especially in the quechua and mestizo ethnic group.


2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrike Kistner

Between the sphere of civil society associated with the idea of active, democratic citizenship, and the governance of precariously living populations ‘in most of the world’ (i.e. not simply ‘in the margins’), lies the domain, famously outlined by Partha Chatterjee, of ‘the political society of the governed’. This article investigates the concept of ‘the political society of the governed’, starting with its current definition, social and political contexts and a conceptual history. The article then proceeds to problematise the corollary of a bio-political ‘governmentality from below’, theoretically questioning the extent of its capacity to inform political agency, and practically examining the forms of such political agency, with special reference to studies on insurgent citizenship in South Africa.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Jesus Casquette

A growing body of literature emphasizes how the political system affects the development of social movements. In this article, I take a complementary position-one that has been relatively underemphasized-that accounts for how social movements might transform their political environment. I underscore the interaction between the movement and civil society as a key process by which movements shape political structures and, in part, make their own political opportunities. I develop this argument by focusing on the civil disobedience campaign carried out by the antimilitary movement in the Basque Country during the period 1989-1993.


Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-459
Author(s):  
John Pollard

This article analyses the parallels between the role played by the Church, first during the Crisis of the Liberal State in the early twentieth century and then during the transition from the Christian Democratic regime to the ‘bi-polar’ Second Republic more than 70 years later. It explores both the particular, contingent forces at work in each, and the underlying explanations as to why the Church was able to successfully exploit these two processes of transition in the political history of Italy to its advantage. It concludes by arguing that the experience of these two crises demonstrates that the Church is not only a powerful force in Italian civil society but also effectively ‘a state within a state’ in relation to the functioning of Italy's political structures.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aurelian Muntean ◽  
Andrei Gheorghiţă

Abstract Civil society has proven outstanding capacities of involvement in the 2004 general elections in Romania and put a remarkable pressure on the political society. This paper aims to discuss the consequences of such involvement for both the political and civil society. We also investigate the conditions that have favoured a successful challenge of the main political actors by the most visible civic advocacy organizations. Further, we inquire how deep can an actor from the civil society go into the lands of the political society. In the end, we weight the achievements and the failures of civil society’s active involvement in the game of elections.


Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

This chapter focuses on the different routes women political actors take to get to the Parliament. It outlines four such routes—kinship and family networks, social and political movements, the party system, and the struggle over quotas for women. Building on the methodological discussion of narrative structures, this chapter shows how through a close reading of the changes in the political environment of the country as well as of the life stories of women members of Parliament we can piece together the complex layers of negotiations that women make to be successful.


Aldaba ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Jesús A. García Ayala

El rechazo por el Congreso de los Diputados a la toma en consideración de la proposición de ley presentada por la Asamblea de la ciudad de Melilla, para la extensión y ampliación de las bonificaciones en determinadas cuotas de la Seguridad Social, puede haber trasladado el debate a la sociedad civil. A los actores políticos se sumarían ahora las centrales sindicales y organizaciones empresariales. La reflexión a realizar entre todos se ve dificultada por una de las carencias puestas de manifiesto: la de datos objetivos y fiables sobre Melilla que permitan evaluar los resultados de las bonificaciones vigentes. Por ello se hacen necesarios varios objetivos: el inicial es aportar datos válidos para la citada evaluación, el intermedio es que el tratamiento de los datos obtenidos permita la obtención de resultados representativos, y el final es la extracción de conclusiones y recomendaciones válidas. Las conclusiones, asociadas a hechos objetivos tratados en el curso del trabajo, tratan de anticipar, en lo posible, las consecuencias que se seguirían en el supuesto de que las bonificaciones fueran extendidas y ampliadas, siguiendo la senda de convergencia deducible del debate parlamentario. Finalmente se aportan unas determinadas consideraciones, cuyo carácter subjetivo no puede descartarse en tanto están asociadas a la opinión personal del autor.The rejection by the Congress of the Deputies to the taking in consideration of the proposal of law, presented by the Assembly of the City of Melilla, for the extension and increase of the subsidies in certain contributions to Social Security, can have transferred the debate to the civil society. To the political actors, the unions and enterprise organizations would be added now. The reflection to make between everybody is made difficult by one of the shown deficiencies: the one of objective and trustworthy data on Melilla that allows to evaluate the results of the effective subsidies. For that reason several targets become necessary: the initial one is to contribute valid data for the mentioned evaluation; the intermediate one is that the treatment of the collected data allows the obtaining of representative results; and the next one is the extraction of valid conclusions and recommendations. The conclusions, associated to objective facts treated in the course of the work, try to anticipate, as far as possible, the consequences that would be followed supposing that the subsidies were extended and increased, following the footpath of deductible convergence of the parliamentary debate. Finally certain considerations are contributed, whose subjective character cannot discard in as much are associate to the personal opinion of the author.


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