Reading Roman Pride

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yelena Baraz
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
Negative Emotion ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Peculiar Feature ◽  
Major Focus ◽  
Social Concept ◽  
Emotional Landscape ◽  
The Way

Pride is pervasive in Roman texts, as an emotion and a political and social concept implicated in ideas of power. This study examines the Roman discourse of pride from two distinct complementary perspectives. The first is based on scripts, mini-stories told to illustrate what pride is, how it arises and develops, and where it fits within the Roman emotional landscape. The second is semantic, and draws attention to differences between terms within the pride field. The peculiar feature of Roman pride that emerges is that it appears exclusively as a negative emotion, attributed externally and condemned, up to the Augustan period. This previously unnoticed lack of expression of positive pride in republican discourse is a result of the way the Roman republican elite articulates its values as anti-monarchical and is committed, within the governing class, to power-sharing and a kind of equality. The book explores this uniquely Roman articulation of pride attributed to people, places, and institutions and traces the partial rehabilitation of pride that begins in the texts of the Augustan poets at a time of great political change. Reading for pride produces innovative readings of texts that range from Plautus to Ausonius, with a major focus on Cicero, Livy, Vergil, and other Augustan poets.

First Names and Political Change in Modern Turkey

1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Bulliet
Keyword(s):  
Free Will ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Modern Turkey ◽  
The Way

One of the few predictable opportunities for the exercise of free will that comes the way of most human beings is the bestowal of names upon their children. To be sure, local or national custom may legally restrict or otherwise limit the scope of that freedom in some cases; but by and large, there is normally some choice to be made, and the beneficiary of the choice, the child, is inevitably powerless to influence it.

The (Mixed) Times of Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Rodríguez Matos
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jose Lezama Lima ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the role of Christianity in the work of José Lezama Lima as it relates to his engagement with Revolutionary politics. The chapter shows the multiple temporalities that the State wields, and contrasts this thinking on temporality with the Christian apocalyptic vision held by Lezama. The chapter is concerned with highlighting the manner in which Lezama unworks Christianity from within. Yet its aim is not to prove yet again that there is a Christian matrix at the heart of modern revolutionary politics. Rather, it shows the way in which the mixed temporalities of the Revolution, already a deconstruction of the idea of the One, still poses a challenge for contemporary radical thought: how to think through the idea that political change is possible precisely because no politics is absolutely grounded. That Lezama illuminates the difficult question of the lack of political foundations from within the Christian matrix indicates that the problem at hand cannot be reduced to an ever more elusive and radical purge of the theological from the political.

Wales and Northern Ireland

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Freedom Of Information Act ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Chapter 24 explains how the Freedom of Information Act 2000 applies to Wales and Northern Ireland. It describes the scheme of devolution for Wales with the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Government and the way legislative power has been increased by the Government of Wales Act 2006 and how a reserved powers model of devolution has been agreed in a Command Paper Powers for a purpose: Towards a lasting devolution settlement for Wales. Next, the way freedom of information works in Wales is considered. The chapter then describes the scheme of devolution for Northern Ireland established following the Belfast Agreement on Friday 10 April 1998, including the Northern Ireland Assembly and the National Ireland Executive structured to ensure power-sharing and inclusivity. Section 88(2) of the 2000 Act states that the Act extends to Northern Ireland. Finally, the specific references to Northern Ireland in the 2000 Act are considered.

When Moderate Voters Prefer Extreme Parties: Policy Balancingin Parliamentary Elections

2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
ORIT KEDAR
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Design ◽  
Institutional Context ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Voter Behavior ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Voter Choice ◽  
The Way

This work develops and tests a theory of voter choice in parliamentary elections. I demonstrate that voters are concerned with policy outcomes and hence incorporate the way institutions convert votes to policy into their choices. Since policy is often the result of institutionalized multiparty bargaining and thus votes are watered down by power-sharing, voters often compensate for this watering-down by supporting parties whose positions differ from (and are often more extreme than) their own. I use this insight to reinterpret an ongoing debate between proximity and directional theories of voting, showing that voters prefer parties whose positions differ from their own views insofar as these parties pull policy in a desired direction. Utilizing data from four parliamentary democracies that vary in their institutional design, I test my theory and show how institutional context affects voter behavior.

scholarly journals Metacognitive Development and Conceptual Change in Children

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 745-763
Author(s):  
Joulia Smortchkova ◽  
Nicholas Shea
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Change ◽  
Conceptual Development ◽  
Developmental Psychology ◽  
Older Children ◽  
Major Focus ◽  
Mathematical Concepts ◽  
Metacognitive Development ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
The Way

AbstractThere has been little investigation to date of the way metacognition is involved in conceptual change. It has been recognised that analytic metacognition is important to the way older children (c. 8–12 years) acquire more sophisticated scientific and mathematical concepts at school. But there has been barely any examination of the role of metacognition in earlier stages of concept acquisition, at the ages that have been the major focus of the developmental psychology of concepts. The growing evidence that even young children have a capacity for procedural metacognition raises the question of whether and how these abilities are involved in conceptual development. More specifically, are there developmental changes in metacognitive abilities that have a wholescale effect on the way children acquire new concepts and replace existing concepts? We show that there is already evidence of at least one plausible example of such a link and argue that these connections deserve to be investigated systematically.

Citizenship, Migration, and Confessional Democracy in Lebanon

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibaut Jaulin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Citizenship Regime ◽  
The Way

No major citizenship reform has been adopted in Lebanon since the creation of the Lebanese citizenship in 1924. Moreover, access to citizenship for foreign residents does not depend on established administrative rules and processes, but instead on ad hoc political decisions. The Lebanese citizenship regime is thus characterized by immobilism and discretion. This paper looks at the relationship between citizenship regime and confessional democracy, defined as a system of power sharing between different religious groups. It argues that confessional democracy hinders citizenship reform and paves the way to arbitrary naturalization practices, and that, in turn, the citizenship regime contributes to the resilience of the political system. In other words, the citizenship regime and the political system are mutually reinforcing.

Constructing a Theory of Punishment, Desert, and the Distribution of Punishments

1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Don E. Scheid
Keyword(s):  
Sentencing Guidelines ◽  
Major Focus ◽  
General Outline ◽  
Moral View ◽  
Adequate Theory ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Way

Punishment, by definition, involves the intentional imposition of some deprivation or suffering on individuals against their wills. On any moral view, there is a very strong presumption against doing this to people; so, if a society has an institution of punishment, some justification is needed. On the face of things, such an institution would seem to be an evil. What, then, is the justification for punishment? And once this question has been raised, related questions arise. Who should be punished and how severely? And what principle or principles should we use when setting up sentencing guidelines? Any adequate theory of punishment must provide some guidance, some useful headings, even if not a detailed chart, for answering these questions, among others.In this paper, I outline a theory of punishment that I believe best answers these sorts of questions. Inevitably, some parts are far sketchier than others; but within the general outline, the major focus is on the concept of desert and on the application of desert principles in determining the just allotment of punishments. This leads to a framework for constructing a crimes/punishments schedule for sentencing. Along the way, a number of lesser issues are discussed as well.

Orchestrating Multimodal Protest and Subverting Banal Nationalism in the Linguistic Landscape of the Tunisian Revolution1

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonia Shiri
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Linguistic Landscape ◽  
Multimodal Approach ◽  
The Way

This article, written by Sonia Shiri, sheds light on a fascinating case study of linguistic landscape. The author uses a multimodal approach to examining the Tunisian demonstration of 14 January 2011. She explores the way in which protesters exploited a variety of peaceful multimodal strategies in order to subvert the linguistic landscape of the capital city and bring about political change. The study, based on an analysis of slogans and pictures, focuses on a specific and critical demonstration that led to the eventual flight of Tunisian president, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. Shiri highlights that demonstrators’ usage of multimodal signs eventually helped them to prevail in the transient linguistic landscape.

Sports and boycott: Attitudes among Jewish Israelis

2021 ◽  
pp. 101269022110664
Author(s):  
Tamir Sorek
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Data ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sports Fans ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
The Way

The controversy about the campaign to boycott Israel in general and Israeli sports in particular suffers from the absence of empirical data about the political character of the Israeli sports sphere, as well as the way Jewish Israelis see a possible boycott. Supporters of the boycott hope, among other things, that the campaign is registered among Israelis, and maybe even contribute to political change. Liberal opposition relies on the argument that sports is a beacon of inter-ethnic tolerance that should be cherished rather than targeted. Through a survey with a representative sample of internet users among the adult Jewish citizens of Israel (N = 600), this study provides the following related observations: (1) there is no evidence that Jewish Israeli sports fans are more likely to question the regime of Jewish supremacy than non-fans. (2) Among Jewish Israelis there is a small, but non-negligible minority who justifies the boycott of Israeli sports, and this minority is even larger among people who attend the soccer stadium and/or are politically active. (3) A significant majority of Jewish Israelis (69%) are concerned about a possible boycott of Israel in general, but this majority is less clear among men who are sports fans. The findings question the liberal expectation that Israeli sports serve as a model for inclusive citizenship and at the same time they indicate the potential of sports to amplify existing political tendencies among fans. These observations should be considered in future debates about sanctions and boycotts.

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