The Political Tech Glass Ceiling

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Daniel Kreiss ◽  
Kirsten Adams ◽  
Jenni Ciesielski ◽  
Haley Fernandez ◽  
Kate Frauenfelder ◽  
...  

The introduction conveys how political technology lies at the intersection of two male-dominated fields—politics and technology—and has grown significantly in electoral importance in the 21st century. It relates how campaigns have increasingly organized dedicated divisions for technology, digital media, data, and analytics operations and have turned to a growing field of specialized political practitioners and the tech industry itself to staff them. The introduction previews the key findings and details the plan of the book. It also makes three primary arguments about the importance of gender diversity for campaigns in terms of messaging, technological design, and the functioning of campaign organizations. The introduction further argues that gender diversity matters for equity and fairness in the workforce and political culture more broadly.

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (9) ◽  
pp. 1967-1987 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kreiss ◽  
Kirsten Adams

This article offers the first systematic study of the hiring patterns and career experiences of women working on U.S. presidential campaigns in the new field of political technology. We paired the quantitative analysis of a dataset of 995 staffers active in technology, digital media, data, and analytics across four presidential election cycles (2004–2016) with data from 45 in-depth interviews with women active on 12 presidential campaigns. We find that women are systematically under-represented, they do not ascend to leadership positions at the same rates as men, and they do not have the same entrepreneurial opportunities. When women do get hired, many find it challenging to be heard, are judged according to different standards than men, and have few ways of holding people accountable for inappropriate behavior or arbitrary exercises of power. The findings likely have implications for other fields that have been reshaped by technology, from journalism to entertainment media.


2020 ◽  
pp. 133-138
Author(s):  
Onishchenko I.

This article explores the level of teaching of social sciences and humanities cycle within the frameworks of Ukrainian educational system, crisis and optimization of curricula as well. Attention is paid to the fact that, the correspondence of modern education system to the task (challenges) of contemporary society can be viewed as a sharp question for consideration that the scientists have been coming across for almost twenty years of the 21st century. It is argued that the impending revolution will affect (if not completely destroy) the political world order, to which humanity must be prepared. Perhaps today, there is a blurred understanding (human being as a social/political subject) of direct correlation of artificial intelligence and genetic engineering. A certain country’s political system or financial-banking system works are not crucial ones. A man is aimed at getting the earned money on time - transfer it from his ATM and spend it as he/ she wishes. He/she needs harmony in everything from family relations to the political climate. The emergence of new socio-political models with new forms of ideologies requires the flexibility towards new realities. It is argued that it is necessary to change educational approaches not only in the sense of its organization but in its content as well. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the old educational model set the primary goal - to provide education, now a different task - people should become independent, creative managers of their future. In this sense, only knowledge of a particular profession is insufficient. Proved to work in a new way in today’s environment, you need to see and understand these new conditions. It is argued that humanitarian knowledge shaping the socio-political culture of the individual, as an integral part of modern state formation, can come to the rescue. It is argued that it is possible to form a political culture, in particular, by studying the disciplines of the social and humanitarian cycle in higher education institutions. We have presented the models of social sciences and humanities teaching in higher educational institutions of the USA, Great Britain, France, Japan and South Korea. Attention is drawn to the content of educational programs in educational institutions in the United States and some European countries, which since 2015 have begun to increase the scope of study of humanities not only in classical universities, but also in technical ones


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Druckman ◽  
Samara Klar ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
John B. Ryan

Affective polarization is a defining feature of 21st century American politics—partisans harbor considerable dislike and distrust of those from the other party. Does this animus have consequences for citizens’ opinions? Such effects would highlight not only the consequences of polarization, but also shed new light onto how citizens form preferences more generally. Normally, this question is intractable, but the outbreak of the novel coronavirus allows us to answer it. We find that affective polarization powerfully shapes citizens’ attitudes about the pandemic, as well as the actions they have taken in response to it. However, these effects are conditional on the local severity of the outbreak, as the effects decline in areas with high caseloads—threat vitiates partisan reasoning. Our results clarify that closing the divide on important issues requires not just policy discourse but also attempts to reduce inter-partisan hostility.


Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210


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