Is There a Black Woman Candidate Prototype?

Sister Style ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 120-134
Author(s):  
Nadia E. Brown ◽  
Danielle Casarez Lemi

This chapter conducts a visual content analysis of Black women candidates’ headshots to examine whether there is a “phenotypic archetype” of Black women candidates to which Black women are exposed. Findings from an original dataset on the appearances of Black women candidates who sought office in 2018 align with prior research on colorism and representation. The chapter presents data that shows that the pool of Black women candidates skews lighter-skinned with straightened hair, and that candidates who wear braids or locs may disproportionately lose their contests. These findings suggest that Black women who seek local-level offices with natural styles like locs may find it difficult to enter political office and to rise to higher levels of office. The exploratory findings presented in the chapter illustrate a patterned preference for a certain type of Black women candidate, but it is noted that more research should be done on a larger scale to assess this trend.

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-259
Author(s):  
Osnat Akirav ◽  
Yael Ben-Horin

AbstractThis paper examines the causes of the increase in the number of women candidates in local Israeli government elections during October 2013. To do so, it develops a new model called the four anchors model based on (1) authentic leadership, (2) organizations with gender awareness, (3) practices that provide organized training for women only and (4) networking for women. Establishment of each one of the anchors with synergy among all four of them will encourage more women to be active in political life at the local level. The research combines mixed research methods based on seven different information sources such as questionnaires, interviews, content analysis of newsletters from the Local Councilwomen’s Union, observations and informal talks with women council members.


Sister Style ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Nadia E. Brown ◽  
Danielle Casarez Lemi

This chapter showcases how conversations are a generative tool to assess the differences and similarities in the aesthetic experiences of Black women political elites. The authors partnered with the Black Women’s Political Action Committee of Texas to provide the first ever scholarly focus group with Black women political elites. Through an organic conversation, they found that Black women candidates and elected officials face challenges from others, including fellow Black women, about how they choose to present themselves for political office. The authors documented generational splits in how age cohorts of Black women decide to style themselves and the political implications of these choices. Most notably, Millennial Black women political elites detailed discrimination and hostilities based on their styling preferences, often at the hands of older Black women.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001083672198936
Author(s):  
Lene Hansen ◽  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Katrine Emilie Andersen

The European refugee crisis has been communicated visually through images such as those of Alan Kurdi lying dead on the beach, by body bags on the harbor front of Lampedusa, by people walking through Europe and by border guards and fences. This article examines the broader visual environment within which EU policy-making took place from October 2013 to October 2015. It identifies ‘tragedy’ as the key term used by the EU to explain its actions and decisions and points out that discourses of humanitarianism and border control were both in place. The article provides a theoretical account of how humanitarianism and border control might be visualized by news photography. Adopting a multi-method design and analyzing a dataset of more than 1000 photos, the article presents a visual discourse analysis of five generic iconic motifs and a quantitative visual content analysis of shifts and continuity across four moments in time. The article connects these visual analyses to the policies and discourses of the EU holding that the ambiguity of the EU’s discourse was mirrored by the wider visual environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Tina Askanius

This article is based on a case study of the online media practices of the militant neo-Nazi organization the Nordic Resistance Movement, currently the biggest and most active extreme-right actor in Scandinavia. I trace a recent turn to humor, irony, and ambiguity in their online communication and the increasing adaptation of stylistic strategies and visual aesthetics of the Alt-Right inspired by online communities such as 4chan, 8chan, Reddit, and Imgur. Drawing on a visual content analysis of memes ( N = 634) created and circulated by the organization, the analysis explores the place of humor, irony, and ambiguity across these cultural expressions of neo-Nazism and how ideas, symbols, and layers of meaning travel back and forth between neo-Nazi and Alt-right groups within Sweden today.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009579842110212
Author(s):  
Martinque K. Jones ◽  
Tanisha G. Hill-Jarrett ◽  
Kyjeila Latimer ◽  
Akilah Reynolds ◽  
Nekya Garrett ◽  
...  

The Strong Black Woman (SBW) schema has been consistently linked to negative mental health outcomes among Black women. However, few have begun to explicate the mechanisms by which the endorsement of the SBW schema may influence mental health outcomes. Accordingly, the current study examined coping styles (social support, disengagement, spirituality, and problem-oriented/engagement) as mediators in the association between endorsement of the SBW schema and depressive symptoms in a sample of Black women. Data from 240 Black women ( Mage = 22.0, SD = 4.0 years) were collected assessing SBW schema endorsement, coping styles, and depressive symptoms. Parallel multiple mediation analysis was conducted using PROCESS Macro. Of the four coping styles examined, disengagement coping partially mediated the association between greater endorsement of the SBW schema and greater depressive symptoms. Study findings add depth to our understanding of the association between the SBW schema and mental health outcomes and lend themselves to research and clinical implications.


Author(s):  
Hendrawati

The research of Women recruitment be a (legislative) politician be held on Kotabaru Regency and Tanah Bumbu Regency at South Kalimantan Province. The Objective is a known and seen recruitment or woman candidate to be a (legislative) politician. This research used methods survey with the quantitative approach, intended to descriptive data via questionnaire to respondent. Data who not can be covered in this research be equipped with the quantitative approach with depth interview. The result showing the public opinion seen women presence as politician more comprehensive likely on Act No.8 Years 2012 to encourage strengthening the role, position, and strategic about 30% women representation in legislative. But what happens, proportion women member on legislative failed to reach 30% of affirmative action, beside patriarchy culture still shadowing women candidates for legislative so that so difficult to strengthen the trust of the voters. And then, ration of women representation has decrease, both locally, province and center at 2014 Election. Keyword : recruitment, Women, Politician, Legislative   ABSTRAK Penelitian rekrutmen perempuan menjadi politisi (legislatif) berlokasi di Kabupaten Kotabaru dan Tanah Bumbu, Kalimantan Selatan. Tujuannya untuk mengetahui dan melihat rekrutmen atau pencalonan perempuan menjadi politisi (legislatif). Metode yang digunakan melalui survey dengan pendekatan kuantitatif. Dimaksudkan untuk mendiskripsikan data melalui kuesioner kepada responden. Data yang tidak tercover dalam penelitian ini, maka dilengkapi dengan pendekatan kualitatif dengan wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa opini public melihat keberadaan perempuan sebagai politisi lebih konprehensif berpeluang dalam UU No.8 Tahun 2012 untuk mendorong penguatan peran, posisi dan strategis tentang keterwakilan perempuan 30% di lembaga legislative. Namun apa yang terjadi, proporsi anggota legisatif perempuan yang terpilih gagal mencapai affirmative action 30%, disamping budaya patriarki masih membayangi para caleg perempuan juga gagalnya pengkaderan dan pendidikan politik serta rekrutmen politisi perempuan (DPR) yang kurang selektif sehingga sulit memperkuat kepercayaan pemilih. Akhirnya jatah keterwakilan perempuan mengalami penurunan, baik ditingkat, lokal, provinsi, maupun tingkat pusat pada pemilu 2014. Kata kunci: rekrutmen, perempuan, politisi, legislatif


2018 ◽  
pp. 83-107
Author(s):  
Ralina L. Joseph

Chapter 3 examines showrunner Shonda Rhimes’ twenty-first century Black respectability politics through the form of strategic ambiguity. Joseph traces Rhimes’ performance of strategic ambiguity first in the pre-Obama era when she stuck to a script of colorblindness, and a second in the #BlackLivesMatter moment when she called out racialized sexism and redefined Black female respectability. In the shift from the pre-Obama era to the #BlackLivesMatter era, this chapter asks: how did Rhimes’ careful negotiation of the press demonstrate that, in the former moment, to be a respectable Black woman was to perform strategic ambiguity, or not speak frankly about race, while in the latter, respectable Black women could and must engage in racialized self-expression, and redefine the bounds of respectability?


Author(s):  
Terrion L. Williamson

For commentators concerned with black cultural production in the contemporary era, there are few images more controversial than the angry black woman, particularly as it is reproduced within the confines of reality television. This chapter traces the lineage of the angry black woman back to key black feminist texts of the 1970s, arguing that the trope emerges out of a distinct sociopolitical history that was codified within both public policy and popular culture throughout the decade. Blaxploitation films became the site where black women’s anger was most visibly commodified, even as black women involved in an emergent black feminist movement worked to combat withering social commentaries that included Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s matriarchy thesis and sexist takedowns of black women writers like Ntozake Shange and Michele Wallace.


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