Rumor and Revolution

2021 ◽  
pp. 100-124
Author(s):  
Timothy Tackett
Keyword(s):  
National Assembly ◽  
Crime Wave ◽  
The City ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter follows events in the lives of Colson and his neighbors from the fall of 1789 through the summer of 1791. It takes note of the continuing moments of enthusiasm and joy, with the king’s short speech in the National Assembly in February 1790, followed by patriotic oaths throughout the city; and the Festival of Federation on July 14 of that year, the first anniversary of the fall of the Bastille. But it also examines the periods of fear and suspicion, notably from the perceived crime wave in Paris throughout this period; the women’s march to Versailles in October 1789; the endless rumors of aristocratic conspiracies to destroy the Revolution; and king Louis XVI’s attempted flight with his family in June 1791. The chapter ends with an account of the brutal repression of citizens attempting to draw up a petition in favor of a republic, known as the “Massacre of the Champ de Mars.”

“What Is the Law If Not the Expression of the Rights of Man and Reason?” The Champ de Mars Massacre and the Language of Law

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-310
Author(s):  
Janine M. Lanza
Keyword(s):  
National Guard ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Law ◽  
French Nation ◽  
The City ◽  
The Revolution

On July 17, 1791, a crowd of Parisians gathered at the Champ de Mars, in the western part of the city, for the third time in as many days to make clear to the National Assembly their position on the question of the king's constitutional standing. They carried with them a petition that demanded, in unequivocal terms, the suspension of the king, pending his trial on charges of betraying the French nation and the Revolution. According to the testimony of several witnesses, the day began on a tumultuous note when two men were found hiding in some bushes. Members of the crowd attacked the two men and killed them. Condemned as spies by the crowd, they were defended as innocent bystanders by the National Assembly. As soon as the Assembly heard about the killings, they dispatched the National Guard, under the command of General Lafayette, to disperse the petitioners and restore order. When the troops arrived at the Champ de Mars, a number of those present threw stones at them. The tense troops reacted by firing on the crowd, and Bailly, the mayor of Paris, took the opportunity to declare martial law in an attempt to restore order in an increasingly volatile city.

Review: Urban Latino Cultures: La Vida Latina en LA by Gustavo Leclerc, Raúl Villa, and Michael J. Dear (eds.)

1999 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-128
Author(s):  
Catherine S. Ramirez
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
History Of ◽  
Crime Wave ◽  
Eighteenth And Nineteenth Centuries ◽  
The City ◽  
History Of Los Angeles

Throughout the twentieth century (and now the twenty-first), the specter of a Latina/o past, present, and future has haunted the myth of Los Angeles as a sunny, bucolic paradise. At the same time it has loomed behind narratives of the city as a dystopic, urban nightmare. In the 1940s Carey McWilliams pointed to the fabrication of a “Spanish fantasy heritage” that made Los Angeles the bygone home of fair señoritas, genteel caballeros and benevolent mission padres. Meanwhile, the dominant Angeleno press invented a “zoot” (read Mexican-American) crime wave. Unlike the aristocratic, European Californias/os of lore, the Mexican/American “gangsters” of the 1940s were described as racial mongrels. What's more, the newspapers explicitly identified them as the sons and daughters of immigrants-thus eliding any link they may have had to the Californias/os of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries or to the history of Los Angeles in general.

Une idée monstrueuse: Bicameralism in the Early French Revolution

1969 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Marrs
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Group ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Assembly Floor ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Work Done ◽  
Constitutional Issue ◽  
The Revolution

In the spring of 1789, the members of the newly formed National Assembly tasked itself with the creation of France’s first Constitution. The Assembly set out to reform their country by incorporating enlightenment ideas and newfound liberties. Creating the constitution was not an easy process and the Assembly floor was home to many fierce debates, divides, and distrust amongst the Three Orders: the Clergy, the Nobility, and the Commons.  One Constitutional issue was deciding what form the legislature would take. Mounier, Lally-Tollendal, and Clermont-Tonnerre, members of the Committee of the Constitution, who formed a political group known as the ‘Monarchiens,’ proposed a bicameral system that mirrored the two legislative houses of England. Their political opponents fought instead for a single chambered system. When the vote came to the house, bicameralism was defeated in a landslide.  My research aims at discovering the motivations of the deputies; Why did they reject Mounier’s bicameralism? Much of the work done on this question so far, particularly that of Keith Michael Baker, argues that the deputies were faced with a choice between radically different conceptions of the purpose of the revolution. However, the work of Timothy Tackett points to the smaller, more contingent issues at play. My work involves the analysis of the assembly debates and the political publications being written by the deputies. Similar to Tackett, I conclude that the deputies were immediately motivated less by grand revolutionary narratives, but instead based their vote on a deep distrust of the aristocracy and political factionalism.  

Cairo's Downtown in Narratives

2019 ◽  
pp. 356-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mougibelrahman Aboamer ◽  
Dalia Abdelfattah
Keyword(s):  
Historical Review ◽  
Active Part ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Egyptian Literature ◽  
The City ◽  
Dramatic Fall ◽  
The Revolution

Cairo's downtown, through sociopolitical conditions, had been moved from a single city to a hardship one. The authors attempt using a method of multiple readings to provide a new comprehension for the city by using the historical review side by side with several examples from Egyptian literature that describes this dramatic evolution. For this neighborhood, it is considered an active part of Cairo. The period they suggest for scanning the literature begins from Cairo Great Fire in 1952 and its consequences. The year of 1952 and the constitution of the first republic until the dramatic fall of this last by the revolution of January 2011. This chapter aims to articulate the evolution of Downtown Cairo from the singularity to the hardship.

scholarly journals Aloysius Huber and May 15, 1848

1984 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-61
Author(s):  
Lowell L. Blaisdell
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
City Hall ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The City ◽  
The French Revolution

One of the memorable days in the French revolution of 1848 occurred on May 15. Several extraordinary events happened on that date. The first was the overrunning of the legislative chamber by an unruly crowd. Next, and most important, a person named Aloysius Huber, after several hours had elapsed, unilaterally declared the National Assembly dissolved. In the resultant confusion, the legislators and the crowd dispersed. Third, shortly afterwards, an attempt took place at the City Hall to set up a new revolutionary government. It failed completely. As the result of these happenings, a number of people thought to be, or actually, implicated in them were imprisoned on charges of sedition.

The Symbolic Battleground: The Culture of Modernization in 1940s Leóón, Guanajuato

2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Newcomer
Keyword(s):  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Orientation ◽  
Extensive Program ◽  
Religious Iconography ◽  
The City ◽  
The Revolution

The idea of modernization influenced a reconciliation between advocates of the revolutionary state and its conservative opponents in 1940s Leóón, Guanajuato. Proponents of the Revolution demonstrated the transforming power of the state by advocating projects that expressed modernity. PRM supporters instituted an extensive program of construction that stripped the city of its local orientation, religious iconography, and of its status as the symbolic capital of Catholic Mexico. The eventual endorsement of the modernization ideal by conservatives allowed an ideological, economic, political, and cultural reconciliation between themselves and the PRM that contributed to the longevity of the postrevolutionary government. En Leóón Guanajuato, la modernizacióón jugóó un importante papel en la reconciliacióón entre los defensores del estado revolucionario y los de la oposicióón conservadora. Los partidarios de la Revolucióón sustentaron la capacidad transformativa del Estado mediante proyectos de infraestructura que dejaban claro la modernidad revolucionaria. Adherentes del PRM pusieron en marcha una séérie de obras púúblicas que transformaron una ciudad, que otrora, habíía fungido como el centro del catolicismo mexicano. Igualmente, estos proyectos obfuscaron la iconografíía religosa de la ciudad y cambiaron su orientacióón regional. Al apoyar y sancionar la obra modernizadora de la Revolucióón hicierion posible una reconciliacióón ideolóógica, econóómica, políítica, y cultural entre las facciones opuestas, hecho que conllevo a la longevidad del réégimen posrevolucionario.

Marx as the Historical Materialist: Re-reading The Eighteenth Brumaire

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Tomba
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Third ◽  
Historical Materialist ◽  
History Of ◽  
Good For ◽  
The Revolution

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to re-read Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire by highlighting the political meaning of a materialist historiography. In the first part, I consider Marx’s historiographical and political intention to represent the history of the aftermath of the revolution of ’48 as a farce in order to liquidate ‘any faith in the superstitious past’. In the second part I analyse the theatrical register chosen by Marx in order to represent the Second Empire as a society without a body, a phantasmagoria in which the Constitution, the National Assembly and law – in short, everything that the middle class had put up as essential principles of modern democracy – disappear. In the third part I argue that Marx does not elaborate a theory of revolution that is good for every occasion. What interests him is a historiography capable of grasping, in the various temporalities of the revolution, the chance for a true liberation.

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