The Eastern Main Line

2021 ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Charles van Onselen

The psychological and social hardship experienced by African migrant miners on trains in southern Africa left a deep cultural imprint. This chapter explains how classic African musical renditions—now largely shorn of their historical context—in songs such as Shosholoza and Hugh Masekela’s Stimela, present poignant reminders of the systemic exploitation of black labour in the South African mining industry.

2021 ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Charles van Onselen

The South African mining industry profited from the slave- and forced-labour regimes that preceded it in the adjacent Portuguese colony of Mozambique. Many of the earliest migrants were part of a labour force ‘recruited’ through coercion. Black Mozambicans later preferred to work as cheap, indentured migrant labourers rather than face working for no or low wages in their own country. The chapter explains how this helped underpin the illusion that black labour was somehow free, mobile and voluntary. But as southern Mozambique became progressively more underdeveloped economically, the need to coerce black labour became less necessary and the system was said to be operating on a wholly voluntary basis as part of an economy dominated by ‘market forces’.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Charles van Onselen

The Eastern Main Line was conceived of, and meant to serve, white South African farmers, at a time when the Highveld was dominated by an agricultural economy. But when gold was discovered, the logic behind the railway system switched to serving an industrialising rather than an agricultural economy. This meant that the railway was never designed, or subsequently operated, as a system that catered for passengers, let alone African migrant mine workers. The chapter explains how discomfort and hardship were intrinsic to the system.


1995 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Breckenridge

This paper takes as its point of departure a simple fact that has gone largely unnoticed in the historical and ethnographic literature of migrant mine labour: prior to 1933 mineworkers were paid in gold. It is argued that the ideas and practices associated with the control and transmission of metallic money were at the heart of the experience of migrant labour before the crisis and formed a major part of the self-definition of migrant gold miners during the 1920s. Moreover, both the practices and ideas of African mineworkers were reciprocally linked to the global political struggles taking place over the gold standard. From the First World War to the Christmas of 1932, the South African and Imperial states and mining capital were involved in a controversy over the form of the South African and international money supplies. Whilst in appearance an abstract and mysterious debate, the contest over the form of the money supply laid the foundations for a system of value that penetrated into the daily lives and politics of many southern Africans. Chief amongst these were hundreds of thousands of migrant mine-workers. Following from this, the paper posits a re-interpretation of the gold standard crisis. The turning point that coincided with the new year of 1933 was not merely an economic change; it constituted a major transformation of the form, value, velocity and politics of money throughout Southern Africa. Coincidently, the crisis was an economic and cultural transition for the mining industry itself and marked a dramatic re-definition of the terms of economic conflict between workers and managers. Finally, this paper calls for a new periodization of capitalist development in Southern Africa that meshes together the cultural and economic dimensions of historical processes in a manner that foregrounds the experience of the African working class.


Author(s):  
R.I. David Pooe ◽  
Khomotso Mhelembe

As with most mining activities, the mining of manganese and phosphate has serious consequences for the environment. Despite a largely adequate and progressive framework for environmental governance developed since 1994, few mines have integrated systems into their supply chain processes to minimise environmental risks and ensure the achievement of acceptable standards. Indeed, few mines have been able to implement green supply chain management (GrSCM). The purpose of this article was to explore challenges related to the implementation of GrSCM and to provide insight into how GrSCM can be implemented in the South African manganese and phosphate industry. This article reported findings of a qualitative study involving interviews with 12 participants from the manganese and phosphate industry in South Africa. Purposive sampling techniques were used. Emerging from the study were six themes, all of which were identified as key challenges in the implementation of GrSCM in the manganese and phosphate mining industry. From the findings, these challenges include the operationalisation of environmental issues, lack of collaboration and knowledge sharing, proper application of monitoring and control systems,lack of clear policy and legislative direction, the cost of implementing GrSCM practices, and the need for strong leadership and management of change. On the basis of the literature reviewed and empirical findings, conclusions were drawn and policy and management recommendations were accordingly made.


Author(s):  
F.J. Glisson ◽  
D.H. Kullmann ◽  
A.E. Vidal da Silva

Plant Disease ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 92 (6) ◽  
pp. 982-982 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. van Antwerpen ◽  
S. A. McFarlane ◽  
G. F. Buchanan ◽  
D. N. Shepherd ◽  
D. P. Martin ◽  
...  

Prior to the introduction of highly resistant sugarcane varieties, Sugarcane streak virus (SSV) caused serious sugar yield losses in southern Africa. Recently, sugarcane plants with streak symptoms have been identified across South Africa. Unlike the characteristic fine stippling and streaking of SSV, the symptoms resembled the broader, elongated chlorotic lesions commonly observed in wild grasses infected with the related Maize streak virus (MSV). Importantly, these symptoms have been reported on a newly released South African sugarcane cultivar, N44 (resistant to SSV). Following a first report from southern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa in February 2006, a survey in May 2007 identified numerous plants with identical symptoms in fields of cvs. N44, N27, and N36 across the entire South African sugarcane-growing region. Between 0.04 and 1.6% of the plants in infected fields had streak symptoms. Wild grass species with similar streaking symptoms were observed adjacent to one of these fields. Potted stalks collected from infected N44 plants germinated in a glasshouse exhibited streak symptoms within 10 days. Virus genomes were isolated and sequenced from a symptomatic N44 and Urochloa plantaginea plants collected from one of the surveyed fields (1). Phylogenetic analysis determined that while viruses from both plants closely resembled the South African maize-adapted MSV strain, MSV-A4 (>98.5% genome-wide sequence identity), they were only very distantly related to SSV (~65% identity; MSV-Sasri_S: EU152254; MSV-Sasri_G: EU152255). To our knowledge, this is the first confirmed report of maize-adapted MSV variants in sugarcane. In the 1980s, “MSV strains” were serologically identified in sugarcane plants exhibiting streak symptoms in Reunion and Mauritius, but these were not genetically characterized (2,3). There have been no subsequent reports on the impact of such MSV infections on sugarcane cultivation on these islands. Also, at least five MSV strains have now been described, only one of which, MSV-A, causes significant disease in maize and it is unknown which strain was responsible for sugarcane diseases on these islands in the 1980s (2,3). MSV-A infections could have serious implications for the South African sugar industry. Besides yield losses in infected plants due to stunting and reduced photosynthesis, the virus could be considerably more difficult to control than it is in maize because sugarcane is vegetatively propagated and individual plants remain within fields for years rather than months. Moreover, there is a large MSV-A reservoir in maize and other grasses everywhere sugarcane is grown in southern Africa. References: (1) B. E. Owor et al. J Virol. Methods 140:100, 2007. (2) M. S. Pinner and P. G. Markham. J. Gen. Virol. 71:1635, 1990. (3) M. S. Pinner et al. Plant Pathol. 37:74, 1998.


2021 ◽  
pp. 184-198
Author(s):  
Charles van Onselen

Black Mozambicans consistently resisted the oppressive labour regime that used steam locomotives and the rail network to deliver them as indentured labourers to the South African mining industry. Some used the system to transport them to the best labour markets and then deserted to find other, better employment. The railways formed an integral part of a highly coercive system of industrial exploitation and, in that, differed from other historical situations where transport systems were used to further genocidal agendas. Yet, so deeply traumatic were the rail journeys to and from the mines that they became incorporated into the modern witchcraft beliefs of Africans which speak of trains without tracks and the recruitment of workers for forced labour in a zombie workforce. The scarring caused by the Night Trains is still with us, whether in songs, such as Stimela, or in witchcraft beliefs that reflect death through over-work at sub-subsistence wages.


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