Chaos and Consequences

2021 ◽  
pp. 203-242
Author(s):  
Lucia M. Rafanelli

This chapter investigates how the ethical principles developed in the previous chapters may be implemented in the real world. Implementing these principles would be made especially difficult by the lack of powerful and reliable global governance institutions and by the possibility that even interventions that live up to the principles may produce negative consequences. Given these difficulties, the chapter makes several core recommendations. First, some reform interventions should be subject to approval or oversight by diverse actors within global civil society. Second, interveners should adopt a presumption in favor of interventions where they exert less rather than more control over recipients. Third, global political actors should give political priority to supporting and engaging in interventions that challenge current and historical power hierarchies.

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-211
Author(s):  
Emma Anderson ◽  
Marina Zaloznaya

What determines how successful global civil society is in promoting international governance norms within nation-states? Studies attribute the varied effectiveness of civil action to the capacity of non-governmental groups and organizations, the nature of global regimes that generate such norms, domestic political landscapes, or combinations of these factors. Yet, empirical cases, analyzed in this article, suggest that global civil society may lose or gain in domestic effectiveness even when these determinants remain stable. Using primary and secondary data on Kyoto Protocol negotiations in Japan, Canada, and Australia, we argue that changes in the Kyoto stances of these three countries between 2005 and 2012 stemmed from the realignment of domestic political actors engaged in the contestation of the protocol alongside civil society. Our data reveal that exogenous natural and political events led to shifts in the positions of local political elites, media, and the energy industry. As a result, the pro-Kyoto coalition, headed by global civil society, either lost or gained in bargaining power vis-à-vis the counter-coalition. We, therefore, theorize realignment as a mechanism that connects exogenous events to the changing effectiveness of global civil society. Theoretically, our study emphasizes the importance of embedding civil action into its concrete socio-historical contexts and advocates for a process-oriented study of agentic social change.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNA HOLZSCHEITER

AbstractThis article analyses global civil society advocacy in the field of child labour through the lens of theories on political representation in global governance. The article is sympathetic to newer theories on political representation which, fundamentally, understand representation as a dialectic of performative practices between representatives and their real or imagined constituencies. However, the article argues that the contemporary literature on political representation turns a blind eye on two aspects that are central to understanding this dialectic of representation in the child labour case: first, representation as power and second, the contested nature of citizenship. The article thus proposes an approach to political representation that allows highlighting the power-dimension inherent to the interrelation between formal and performative aspects of representation, that is, between civil society actors’ power to represent and their power over representation. Using such an approach, the article presents empirical insights on CSO representation in global policymaking on child labour – a field in which conflicts over legitimate representation, citizenship, and grassroots participation continue to be exceptionally fierce.


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-57
Author(s):  
Fernanda Duarte ◽  

This paper reflects on insights that emerged from the findings of a qualitative study conducted by the author in 2007 with third year management students from an Australian university on their perceptions in relation to business ethics. The findings revealed an attitude of cynicism with regard to the application of ethical principles beyond university years – in “the real world of business'. This led the author to engage in more systematic efforts to address this problem, and to this end, she found Mezirow's notion of transformative learning inspiring and valuable. It is contended that reflection and critical thinking are crucially important skills to enable consciousness shifts that will lead to a deeper understanding and greater appreciation of the importance of ethical conduct in management. They can act as antidotes to attitudes of cynicism which make students feel powerless and dejected, disinclined to apply the knowledge gained during their training beyond university years. A selection of examples of class activities and assessments to foster transformative learning is provided.


Author(s):  
Jens Steffek

Conceptions of deliberative or discursive democracy are applied increasingly also to global governance institutions, typically coupled with calls for more participation and civil society access. Critics argue, however, that global political institutions cannot accommodate meaningful practices of deliberation and participation. In this chapter I review the current state of this controversy. I first disentangle several promises of deliberation in global governance and distinguish micro and macro conceptions of deliberation. I then scrutinize deliberative practices as they currently exist in intergovernmental negotiation and multi-stakeholder networks. A number of problems seem to compromise the democratizing potential of these practices: enduring asymmetries in power and status; high levels of expertise as precondition for participation; disconnect between micro-settings of deliberation and macro-level debates. I conclude that existing forms of global deliberation may increase the epistemic quality of decisions made for the people but should not be interpreted as democratic self-governance by the people.


2020 ◽  
pp. 88-118
Author(s):  
Kevin Vallier

A right to freedom of association can both be justified to a diverse public, and exercises of that right help create and sustain social and political trust in the real world. Freedom of association can be justified to multiple points of view, both liberal and illiberal, to protect the pursuit of diverse forms of life. It creates real trust by putting people in contact with other members and with nonmembers. It creates trust for the right reasons because the recognition, protection, and exercise of the right of association serve as public evidence of the trustworthiness of association members and governments that recognize and respect and protect the rights of associations members. Since freedom of association creates trust for the right reasons, it can help arrest falling trust and increasing polarization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 370-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivia Heller ◽  
Claire Somerville ◽  
L Suzanne Suggs ◽  
Sarah Lachat ◽  
Julianne Piper ◽  
...  

Abstract Although non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are the leading cause of morbidity and mortality worldwide, the global policy response has not been commensurate with their health, economic and social burden. This study examined factors facilitating and hampering the prioritization of NCDs on the United Nations (UN) health agenda. Shiffman and Smith’s (Generation of political priority for global health initiatives: a framework and case study of maternal mortality. The Lancet 370: 1370–9.) political priority framework served as a structure for analysis of a review of NCD policy documents identified through the World Health Organization’s (WHO) NCD Global Action Plan 2013–20, and complemented by 11 semi-structured interviews with key informants from different sectors. The results show that a cohesive policy community exists, and leaders are present, however, actor power does not extend beyond the health sector and the role of guiding institutions and civil society have only recently gained momentum. The framing of NCDs as four risk factors and four diseases does not necessarily resonate with experts from the larger policy community, but the economic argument seems to have enabled some traction to be gained. While many policy windows have occurred, their impact has been limited by the institutional constraints of the WHO. Credible indicators and effective interventions exist, but their applicability globally, especially in low- and middle-income countries, is questionable. To be effective, the NCD movement needs to expand beyond global health experts, foster civil society and develop a broader and more inclusive global governance structure. Applying the Shiffman and Smith framework for NCDs enabled different elements of how NCDs were able to get on the UN policy agenda to be disentangled. Much work has been done to frame the challenges and solutions, but implementation processes and their applicability remain challenging globally. NCD responses need to be adapted to local contexts, focus sufficiently on both prevention and management of disease, and have a stronger global governance structure.


2003 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 673-699 ◽  
Author(s):  
RUTH BUCHANAN

This article argues that a contemporary form of ‘cosmopolitan legality’ serves as an animating force behind contemporary practices of global civil society and global governance. The first part provides an account of the recent history of civil society engagement with the World Trade Organization. It observes that civil society groups have focused their collective efforts on issues relating to procedural legitimacy, including accountability, openness, and transparency, potentially to the detriment of efforts to bring about more fundamental change. In the second part of the article, various theoretical approaches to cosmopolitan legality are discussed, including their claimed Kantian origins, and are mapped on to the preceding discussion of the place of a global public sphere in global governance. Programmatic approaches that purport to mobilize cosmopolitanism in the service of either a political or legal project are ultimately rejected, and a provisional alternative reading is suggested.


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