Deliberation and Global Governance

Author(s):  
Jens Steffek

Conceptions of deliberative or discursive democracy are applied increasingly also to global governance institutions, typically coupled with calls for more participation and civil society access. Critics argue, however, that global political institutions cannot accommodate meaningful practices of deliberation and participation. In this chapter I review the current state of this controversy. I first disentangle several promises of deliberation in global governance and distinguish micro and macro conceptions of deliberation. I then scrutinize deliberative practices as they currently exist in intergovernmental negotiation and multi-stakeholder networks. A number of problems seem to compromise the democratizing potential of these practices: enduring asymmetries in power and status; high levels of expertise as precondition for participation; disconnect between micro-settings of deliberation and macro-level debates. I conclude that existing forms of global deliberation may increase the epistemic quality of decisions made for the people but should not be interpreted as democratic self-governance by the people.

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-128
Author(s):  
Ned Rossiter

I start with the premise that the decoupling of the state from civil society and the reassertion of the multitudes over the unitary figure of ‘the people’ coincides with a vacuum in political institutions of the state. Against Chantal Mouffe’s promotion of an ‘agonistic democracy’, I argue that the emergent idiom of democracy within networked, informational settings is a non- or post-representative one that can be understood in terms of processuality. I maintain that a non-representative, processual democracy corresponds with new institutional formations peculiar to organised networks that subsist within informationality.


2016 ◽  
pp. 25-32
Author(s):  
Liudmila Diakova

This article analyzes the current state policy of Chile to overcome crime. It is noted that the study of public opinion regarding the personal experience of the people, demonstrating the improvement of the security situation (public and private) for the last 10 years (since 2005). However, the respondents’ perception of security problems has become much more negative, which is associated with the general deterioration of these indicators in the region, as well as a keen attitude of Chilean society to social inequality, which is considered one of the main factors for the growth of crime. Special attention is given to special programs to ensure public safety, and various governmentalpractices of the fight against crime, including the interaction of the police with civil society organizations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 399
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj

The present study analyzes the current state of the civil society in Albania and theeuropean union policies concerning the integration of Albania in UE. Despite the countryin recent years has made significant progress towards achieving some of the requirementsneeded in order to proceed towards European integration, further improvements areneeded in many areas. Among them, the development of civil society is one of the mostcomplex and urgent. Greater participation of civil society organizations in public lifeactually improves the quality of democracy and helps to strengthen public support for EUmembership.


Author(s):  
Maria Matiatou

The purpose of this chapter is to establish a robust and reliable reference framework on the ecosystem of NGOs and Civil Society for literature review in scholarly contributions and publications. Furthermore, we seek to clarify the position and scope of NGOs within the third sector and civil society. We position NGOs on the sphere of political influence where they negotiate agendas, form coalitions with local and international partners, mobilize constituencies for policy change, and ultimately engage in all stages of the policy process. Finally, we discuss their increased role as key players in times of severe financial constraints. Two voids are identified: the absence of a protective policy framework that can shield NGOs from economic contraction consequences, and the void in evaluation frameworks that can measure their quality of performance.


1987 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 369-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Spaulding

Near the center of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan lies a tract of broken, elevated terrain about the size of South Carolina. The region, by common convention, is called the Nuba Mountains, and the people who live there, through a familiar if misleading generalization, the Nuba. The inhabitants of the Nuba Mountains have long attracted the attention of students of African languages and cultures, for in these respects they exhibit very great diversity among themselves as well as distinctiveness in relation to the Arab and Nilotic cultural traditions that dominate the surrounding lowlands on every side. No scholar has yet deliberately undertaken to write a history of the Nuba, but many have found themselves constrained to make tangential statements or assumptions about Nuba history in the course of constructing studies with some other primary focus. The sum of these tangential comments and assumptions may read as the current state of Nuba historiography. The present study addresses a stimulating clash of opinion among those whose interests have led them to comment peripherally on the more remote Nuba past. The issue at stake is the existence, or non-existence, of a state form of government among the Nuba in precolonial times.Students of the Nuba during the colonial and post-colonial periods have seldom failed to assign considerable importance to the role of successive Sudan governments in directing the destiny of the Nuba, however they may differ in assessing the quality of this intervention.


Author(s):  
Catia Gregoratti ◽  
Anders Uhlin

This chapter turns attention to civil society protest as a specific delegitimation practice vis-à-vis global governance institutions. The authors argue that, while existing research has commonly portrayed protest as a challenge to the legitimacy of global governance institutions, when and how this delegitimation happens is not well theorized. To advance such understanding, the chapter proposes a distinction between protests that target an institution as a whole (diffuse protest) and protest targeting particular processes and policies of the institution (specific protest). The chapter also distinguishes between protest by actors that the global governance institution recognizes to be a significant audience and protests by actors which lack this status.


Author(s):  
Kukuh Winarso ◽  
Imam Al-Farisyi

This research is to find out the marketing on marketing mix and formulating marketing strategies for development of the UKMBatik Pamekasan to be able to compete with other products.The analysis used in this research are importance performance analysis used to measure the marketing mixed on consumer perceptions, PGCV index used to determine the priority scale of marketing mixed and SWOT analysis used to formulating marketing strategies UKMBatik Pamekasan.This research result indicates that the variables product in consumer expectations that the quality of the product batik, a coloring material and subtle product batik.In variable price in the hope that the consumer products already satisfy customers. In variable promotion, consumers were unsatiable for UKM based on variables place it was amazed at the ease of getting people in product markets. Based on the analysis SWOT acquired marketing strategy on UKMBatik Pamekasan namely by increasing the quality of the people to gain market share of broader at home and globally, the government is helping UKM batik to improve product promotion out the land to use the market to provide a bargain price based on the economy condition and to improve relations with the public servants/governance institutions in order to keep consumer products batik Pamekasan.


Author(s):  
Md. Mujahedul Islam

A central normative argument of liberal democracy is that elections as instruments of democracy need to be free, fair and neutral to reflect peoples’ opinions. In many parts of the world, particularly democracies in developing countries of South Asia and Africa, governments are formed by elections that are sometimes considered 'flawed' by the people and international observers. This raises a critical question with far-reaching implications for democracy: What affects the fairness of the elections? Is there any significant direct effect of globalization on elections? If not, under what circumstances does globalization influence the quality of elections? Do effective political institutions condition the effect of globalization on the fairness of the elections? I empirically assess these questions from 2006 to 2010 for 100 countries in a time-series cross-sectional statistical model using the 2015 Quality of Government (QoG) dataset. The results suggest that greater levels of globalization significantly increase the fairness of the elections in countries where effective political institutions exist. The results furthermore demonstrate that in the absence of viable democratic institutions, an increased level of globalization may not always correspond to free, fair and neutral elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 486-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J Norman

Scholars charting the emergence of transnational public spheres often focus on the socio-spatial sites that are generated by civil society organisations in their interactions with the institutions of global governance. These sites can reflect either strong public spheres within the formal decision-making structures of international regimes, or segmented and general public spheres on their periphery. In practice, they all suffer key democratic deficiencies in the ability to either communicatively generate public opinion or achieve collective will-formation. I argue that if civil society organisations can successfully weave together both general and segmented public spheres on the periphery of international regimes, their individual democratic deficiencies could be addressed. To demonstrate evidence of these interconnected ‘informal public spheres’, I turn to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, where public deliberation has been largely invisible and ineffectual within the formal decision-making structures of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The emergence of a new civil society organisation-led ‘humanitarian initiative’ on the periphery of the regime, comprising multi-stakeholder initiatives in conjunction with civil society organised social forums, reflects the interconnection of segmented and general public spheres. This innovative initiative has effectively enhanced transnational public debate on disarmament, while gaining crucial political traction within the regime.


10.23856/4617 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Antonova ◽  
Svitlana Lizakowska ◽  
Vahif Abdullayev ◽  
Piotr Lisowski

The article analyzes, summarizes and considers the current state of international cooperation in the fight against corruption in public authorities and identifies the benefits of participation in international anti-corruption cooperation for modern Ukraine. The variability of the existence of definitions of the concept of "corruption" has been substantiated. Defined and characterized by the transnational nature of the modern phenomenon of corruption. The reasons for the increase in the number of corruption offenses and offenses related to corruption are clarified and measures are given to improve this situation. The main directions and levels of international cooperation in the fight against corruption have been determined. The basics of international cooperation of Ukraine in the field of combating and combating corruption in accordance with the Law of Ukraine "On the Prevention of Corruption" are considered. The article analyzes the regulatory and legal groundwork of the subjects of international anti-corruption activities, in particular the United Nations Convention against Corruption. The activities of influential subjects of international anti-corruption policy (GRECO, Transparency International, etc.) have been identified and characterized. The leading role of civil society institutions in the implementation of international anti-corruption policy has been clarified. Practical recommendations are proposed for improving the quality of anti-corruption measures to prevent and combat corruption for modern Ukraine in the framework of international cooperation in the fight against corruption in public authorities.


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