Cuba’s Indigenous Revolution, 1959–1970

Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

Fidel Castro, his brother Raul, and Che Guevara prosecuted a guerrilla war that brought them to power in January 1959. They were socialist in orientation, but not yet faithful to a communist party. US hostility to the new regime’s policies of nationalization of industries controlled by US companies led to intensification of political controls and the seeking of external protection and assistance from Moscow. The Cuban Missile Crisis brought to a head the issue of US determination to overthrow the Castro regime, but also led the superpowers to the brink of war.

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Munoda Mararike

The subject of coloniality is a phenomenon of consciousness. It explores belief systems, culture, and ethics using conviction and rhetorical force. Mugabe is good at captivating rhetoric. His sophisticated philosophical conundrum derives from modernity, emancipation as it looks at land as a political and economic structure of decolonization. Thus, in him, the belief of self-consciousness and conviction leads to positive confrontation and violence. Peace is universally known to be a product of protracted violence. Zimbabwe went through a war of colonial genocide and mass massacres in the Second Chimurenga. Mugabe’s decolonial agenda is an epistemological extension of coloniality and neo-colonial struggles originated and revisited by Amilcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Walter Rodney, Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, and Samora Machel. Mugabeism thrives on instilling fear into the perpetrators of violence and imperialism by using rhetoric. The doctrine—therefore—reaffirms emancipation and empowerment through postcolonial agrarian revolution rather than “land grabs.” Its magnetic effect is like opposite poles of a magnet—revolutionary versus dictatorship—sharply in contra-distinction with repression, barbarism, and cannibalism. Mugabeism means working toward a common vision of human life for Africans, it means emancipation and freedom. It is a life which is not dependent on an imposed superstructure of oppression of Blacks by Caucasians.


Author(s):  
Magdiel Sanchez Quiroz

El artículo se concentra en el estudio de los aportes teóricos que tuvo la revista cubana Pensamiento Crítico a 50 años de su primer número. Analiza sus aportes a la teoría crítica en Latinoamérica y sus relaciones con el proceso del que surge: la Revolución cubana. Esto último no es sencillo, si se toma en cuenta que la revista fue cerrada por órdenes de la máxima autoridad del país luego de 5 años de trabajo. Analiza a partir de ocho rasgos a la revista en tanto praxis política y teórica que le dan su carácter original e inédito y el cómo desde ellos, se asume e inscribe en la tradición y herejía revolucionarias de la que formaron parte Fidel Castro Ruz y Ernesto “Che” Guevara. Palabras clave: Revolución Cubana, Teoría Crítica, Izquierda Latinoamericana.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-209
Author(s):  
James G. Hershberg

Using materials from the Russian Foreign Ministry archive in Moscow (combined with previously obtained Brazilian and U.S. sources), this research note presents fresh evidence about Soviet-Brazilian relations and the October 1962 Cuban missile crisis, supplementing a detailed, two-part article published in the Journal of Cold War Studies in 2004 exploring Brazil's secret mediation between John F. Kennedy and Fidel Castro at the height of the crisis. The new evidence illuminates a previously hidden “double game” that Brazil's president, João Goulart, played during the crisis as he alternated between meetings with the U.S. ambassador and Nikita Khrushchev's recently arrived envoy (Brazil and the Soviet Union had just restored diplomatic relations after a fifteen-year break). The new evidence from Moscow suggests that Goulart, who vowed solidarity with Washington and even toasted Kennedy's “victory” when talking to the U.S. ambassador, took a completely different approach when speaking to Soviet officials, expressing strong sympathy and even support for Khrushchev.


Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

In Korea, the USSR occupied the northern half of the country after Japan withdrew its occupation forces. The Soviets installed a regime of North Korean communists who enjoyed popular support due to their sacrifices in fighting the Japanese during World War II. The leadership convinced Moscow and Beijing to sanction and support an invasion of South Korea that they hoped would reunify the country. This led to the Korean War, which merely restored the status quo ante at the expense of millions of lives. The pathway was different in Vietnam, where a guerrilla war against Japanese, then French, occupation led to the victory of the Vietnamese communist party in the North.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147-184
Author(s):  
Gerry Simpson

This chapter reconstructs, in a descriptive and aspirational mode, lawful friendship through an encounter between the literary figure of ‘the friend’ and an international law of friendly and unfriendly relations. It begins with a gesture of elegiac friendship before locating friendship in an international law of enemies, criminals, pirates and neutrals. It finishes by elaborating a politics of international legal friendship and makes a plea for a tentative, careful friendliness suggested by friendships found in Montaigne, Nietzsche and Derrida, and in three moments of friendship set in the Cold War: one literary (the depiction of friendship in John Adams’ opera, Nixon in China), one an unlikely performance of anti-imperial friendly relations (the friendship between Nehru and Tito, begun in Belgrade) and one epistolary (a letter sent by Nikita Khrushchev to Fidel Castro in the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis). Each represents in its rudimentary way a ‘lawful friendship’, a declaration on friendly relations.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nilton Hernandes

Este trabalho procura verificar como se transformam acontecimentos e símbolos anti-capitalistas, como a imagem Fidel Castro, Gandhi, ou a foice e o martelo do comunismo em textos de reafirmação de consumo. Analisamos como a foto de Che Guevara, por exemplo, uma das mais bem acabadas representações da rebeldia contra o sistema capitalista, é utilizada na contracapa de uma revista anunciando as vantagens de um produto de limpeza. As análises dos mecanismos de produção de sentido serão realizadas com a semiótica francesa, de A. J. Greimas e seguidores brasileiros. Utilizaremos a semiótica russa, notadamente textos de I. M. Lótman, na tentativa de verificar o papel da publicidade e sua relação com a cultura. Também aplicamos alguns ensinamentos sobre intertextualidade de Mikhail Bakhtin.


Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

Mao’s formula for coming to power differed from the Bolshevik pathway. It entailed a peasant-based guerrilla war that helped to defeat Japanese occupation and that went on to defeat the Nationalist forces, led by Chiang Kai-shek, in conventional warfare after World War II was over. There were many differences between the Maoist and Soviet models of revolution, but there were also many similarities in the willingness to attempt a “socialist” revolution in a peasant society, in the glorification of revolutionary violence, in the determination to ensure that the communist party monopolizes power and politics after winning the civil war, in the determination to build socialism thereafter, and in the commitment to anti-imperialist struggle within a world communist movement led by Moscow.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (23) ◽  
pp. 101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Antonio da Silva ◽  
Guillermo Alfredo Johnson ◽  
Anatólio Medeiros Arce
Keyword(s):  

O presente trabalho analisa a projeção internacional da Revolução Cubana, discutindo os contornos de seu soft power que contribuíram para sua reinserção internacional. Para tanto, após apresentar uma breve discussão deste conceito e das transformações do cenário internacional contemporâneo analisa a mudança da utilização do soft power no processo revolucionário de Cuba. Neste sentido, aponta que tal poder esteve, nos anos dourados da Revolução (anos 60 e 70), alicerçado na aura revolucionária e no carisma de suas lideranças (Fidel Castro e Che Guevara, entre outros) e que, na primeira década deste século, adquiriu novos contornos amparados na emergência da Diplomacia Social, baseada na cooperação com base nos serviços sociais (saúde, educação e esporte, entre outros), contribuindo para o estabelecimento de laços diplomáticos e o desenvolvimento de uma imagem positiva do país.


RECIIS ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Aguiar
Keyword(s):  

O documentário narra a trajetória do jornalista argentino Jorge Ricardo Masetti, que foi um dos primeiros a entrevistar Fidel Castro e Che Guevara na guerrilha da Sierra Maestra, em 1958, e depois se tornou, ele mesmo, um revolucionário. Com eles, fundou da agência de notícias Prensa Latina, planejada para informar o continente e os países do Terceiro Mundo por uma perspectiva pós-colonial, contra o viés das grandes agências globais. Participou também da resistência à invasão da Baía dos Porcos, em 1961, e depois partiu de Cuba para lutar na guerra de independência da Argélia, em 1963, e montar um foco guerrilheiro na selva de Salta, na Argentina, onde desapareceu no ano seguinte. O filme traz depoimentos de jornalistas, ex-combatentes, amigos e outros personagens que conviveram com Masetti, e propõe uma reflexão sobre o papel da informação contra-hegemônica e da luta na comunicação internacional. 


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