‘Eyes without Light’

Author(s):  
Henry Power

During the seventeenth century the relationship between monarch and universities was a highly political one. This chapter considers the many collections of verse—in English and Latin—issued by the universities in response to royal successions. The protocols surrounding these volumes allowed for a certain amount of political self-expression. This chapter argues that these volumes became a means by which the universities could establish a relationship with the new monarch. The first half of the chapter charts the emergence and operation of protocols for producing these commemorative volumes. The second half offers a case study of Cambridge’s two commemorative volumes, respectively on the death of Oliver Cromwell in 1658 and the accession of Charles II in 1660. The scholarly exercises contained within these volumes were capable of communicating significant political messages.

Author(s):  
Isabel Rivers

This chapter analyses the editions, abridgements, and recommendations of texts by seventeenth-century nonconformists that were made by eighteenth-century dissenters, Methodists, and Church of England evangelicals. The nonconformist writers they chose include Joseph Alleine, Richard Baxter, John Flavel, John Owen, and John Bunyan. The editors and recommenders include Philip Doddridge, John Wesley, Edward Williams, Benjamin Fawcett, George Burder, John Newton, William Mason, and Thomas Scott. Detailed accounts are provided of the large number of Baxter’s works that were edited, notably A Call to the Unconverted and The Saints Everlasting Rest, and a case study is devoted to the many annotated editions of Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress and the ways in which they were used. The editors took into account length, intelligibility, religious attitudes, and cost, and sometimes criticized their rivals’ versions on theological grounds.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-566
Author(s):  
Jazmine Hesham Elmolla

Abstract The right to birth registration is protected under international human rights law. While this protection clearly confers an obligation on States to register births, it is less clear how this birth registration process should be carried out in order to ensure that individuals can realize numerous other human rights. For example, how should States register the births of children born to refugees or asylum seekers in order to give effect to the right to a nationality? The question is particularly relevant given the increasing number of people who are fleeing the many contemporary conflicts. The article investigates this question, along with the precise meaning and requirements of the right to birth registration under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It argues that the birth registration frameworks established by States often fail to protect the human rights of the child. Using Syrian refugees in Lebanon as a case study, the conclusion reached is that there is an urgent need for States to adopt a rights-based approach to birth registration that reflects the relationship between birth registration and other human rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 367-379
Author(s):  
Michael A. G. Haykin

William Kiffen, a central figure in the emergence of the British Particular Baptist community in the seventeenth century, came to congregationalist and baptistic convictions in the political and religious turmoil of the reign of Charles I. By the early 1640s he was a key leader among the Particular Baptists in London, and went on to play a central role in their establishment as a distinct community over the next six decades. He was personally acquainted with not only Oliver Cromwell, but also Charles II and James II. His major literary work was a defense of closed communion, in which he opposed the views of John Bunyan. Kiffen won this debate, and so determined the shape of Baptist polity in the following century.


Author(s):  
Christopher Highley

Before the restoration of Stuart rule in 1660, Charles II spent the best part of a decade in exile at the mostly Catholic courts of Europe. When he did return briefly to England, he found himself a fugitive in his own realms, a kind of internal exile, before escaping again overseas. This chapter examines how the royal experience of exile became an especially fraught issue in the many printed works produced by Charles’s friends and enemies in the months surrounding the Restoration. Charles’s enemies argued that his time abroad had fatally compromised his Protestantism and fitness to rule, whereas his friends presented his exile as a positive formative experience. In building their cases, however, both sides relied on a discourse of exile that by the second half of the seventeenth century was associated with an English Catholic narrative of religious persecution. Thus, especially for Charles’s Protestant supporters, the terms available for representing his exile rendered problematic his reputation as a resolute Anglican.


2011 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN McCALLUM

One of the many areas in which there is a lack of knowledge of the post-Reformation Scottish clergy is their economic status. This article uses the county of Fife as a case study to examine the finances of post-Reformation ministers. Stipends improved gradually during the decades after the Reformation, especially for ministers paid in kind, but there were still serious problems in many parishes well into the seventeenth century. Ministers' testaments show few signs of real poverty, however, and it appears that most ministers lived modestly and within their means, rather than acting as major economic actors in the parish.


2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-474
Author(s):  
Süleyman Demirci

AbstractThis paper on complaints about avâriz assessment and payment relies on the şer'iyye sicils of Kayseri. It begins by reviewing the traditional Near Eastern concept of State Justice in conjunction with the archival evidence. By examining the court cases and the imperial orders in these sicils it is possible for us to assess how the Ottoman judicial system and central administration dealt with the complaints and alleged corruption regarding the avâriz levies in the province of Kayseri throughout the seventeenth century. It is also possible to see how common people fought with rising problems in the avâriz system, or how they sought justice, and to what degree they knew what was their legal right and what not by examining the sicils themselves. The result of this examination will help to revise a number of misconceptions regarding complaints in the Ottoman Empire- a study of complaints from the sicils may yield a certain insight into the nature of the relationship between the centre and periphery. Cet article sur les plaintes concernant le calcul et le paiement de l'impôt avâriz est fondé sur les şer'iyye sicils de Kayseri. Il débute par l'étude du concept traditionnel de l'État de Justice au Proche Orient en relation avec les données trouvées dans les archives. En examinant les procès et les ordres impériaux dans ces sicils , il nous sera possible d'établir comment, à la fois le système judiciaire et l'administration centrale de l'Empire ottoman, ont traité les plaintes et la supposée corruption concernant le prélèvement de l'impôt avâriz dans la province de Kayseri tout au long du XVIIème siècle. Il nous sera alors possible, en exploitant les documents contenus dans les sicils, de voir comment la population luttait contre les problèmes croissants dans le système avâriz, comment elle avait recours à la justice et dans quelle mesure elle connaissait ses droits légaux. Les résultats de cette analyse permettront de réviser un certain nombre d'idées fausses à propos des plaintes dans l'Empire ottoman; de même, l'étude de ces plaintes pourra éventuellement donner une certaine idée de la nature des liens entre le centre et la périphérie.


Author(s):  
Wojciech Sadurski

Poland’s constitutional breakdown of 2015 constitutes an interesting, if unfortunate, case study of the relationship between populism and democracy, and the related concept of ‘illiberal democracy’. Without generalizing this finding, the chapter argues that in Poland, illiberal democracy is largely an oxymoron. By dismantling various checks and balances, and the many democratic institutions related to elections and judicial review, the ruling party greatly weakens the democratic character of the state. The temptation to consider Poland as a case of ‘political constitutionalism’, in contrast to ‘legal constitutionalism’, should be resisted. The chapter considers how Poland lacks many of the democratic prerequisites critical for ‘political constitutionalism’. The Polish variant of populism is aggressively anti-pluralistic, anti-deliberative, and hostile to minorities. The system can be better described as that of ‘plebiscitarian authoritarianism’. It is also antithetical to the ideal of the rule of law, in particular in its disregard for the various unwritten clauses (constitutional conventions) supplementing the constitutional text.


2021 ◽  
pp. 130-157
Author(s):  
Julianne Werlin

Beginning in the seventeenth century, English literary authors began to be printed and read in translation in European vernaculars. This chapter traces the relationship between capitalist England’s emergence as an international commercial and colonial power and the circulation of English literature on the Continent. Taking the career of John Milton as a case study, it argues that the English Revolution marked a turning point in England’s political and economic influence, and as a direct result, in the reception of its literature. By the end of the seventeenth century, England’s capitalist development enabled vernacular writers such as Milton, Shakespeare, and Bacon to enter the European literary canon.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Glaze

This article won the Women's History Scotland Leah Leneman essay prize for 2014 This article examines some of the many ways in which women interacted with the Reformed Kirk of Scotland between 1613 and 1660, as recorded in the Canongate Kirk Session disciplinary records, focusing on cases that reveal the negotiation for control over women's bodies, their dignity, and their performances of gender and sexuality. These include the kirk session's prosecution of illicit sexuality, such as fornication, adultery, and prostitution; its protection, albeit limited, in cases of sexual assault; and its role as mediator in wet-nursing cases, and leniency towards wet-nursing fornication penitents. The article then examines the limits of the kirk session's powers in controlling its parishioners. It argues that the relationship between the kirk session and female parishioners was multifaceted, contradictory, and shifting. The kirk was a powerful social force in Canongate, but women were also active agents in the system of repentance, absolution and control in seventeenth-century Scotland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-214
Author(s):  
Matthew Roberts

The novelist Charlotte Brontë and the historian E.P. Thompson both claimed that the Yorkshire Luddites of the 1810s were Antinomians, descendants of the seventeenth-century radical Christian sects who claimed, as Christ’s elect, that they were not bound by the (moral) law. This article follows a thread that links Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class (in which he made this claim) with his later study of William Blake, Witness against the Beast, which, far from being just an esoteric study of an esoteric figure, uncovered an antinomian tradition that linked the radicalism and protest of the ‘age of reason’ with the seventeenth century. In doing so, it revisits the relationship between Thompson and religion, still an underexplored aspect and too overshadowed by his polemical attacks on Methodism. Having sketched this antinomian tradition, the article then turns to Brontë’s novel Shirley, which recounts the Luddism of the West Riding, and situates it in the context of Thompson’s antinomian tradition, exploring why Brontë chose to present the Luddites as Antinomians. The final section tests the hypothesis of Brontë and Thompson that Luddites may have been Antinomians through a case study of Luddism in the West Riding and the place of religious enthusiasm in working-class protest and culture in the early nineteenth century.


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