Sovereign Wealth Funds and International Regulation

2021 ◽  
pp. 32-53
Author(s):  
Mark Thatcher ◽  
Tim Vlandas

This chapter discusses the rise of Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) as an example of the wider phenomenon of overseas state investment. It sets out the striking expansion in the number and financial size of SWFs, most of which are located in the Middle East and Asia, and then summarizes the lively debates about whether SWF investments are a threat to the West and how they should be regulated at the international level. It then considers the international legal and normative framework that has been created to regulate SWFs, as well as the key relevant elements of the EU’s policies and legal regulation. It concludes that there is little evidence that a binding international regulatory framework that strongly constrains the choices of recipient countries through law or norms has been established. Thus, much scope for national choices about policies towards SWF equity investments remains.

Author(s):  
Esraa Aladdin Noori ◽  
Nasser Zain AlAbidine Ahmed

The Russian-American relations have undergone many stages of conflict and competition over cooperation that have left their mark on the international balance of power in the Middle East. The Iraqi and Syrian crises are a detailed development in the Middle East region. The Middle East region has allowed some regional and international conflicts to intensify, with the expansion of the geopolitical circle, which, if applied strategically to the Middle East region, covers the area between Afghanistan and East Asia, From the north to the Maghreb to the west and to the Sudan and the Greater Sahara to the south, its strategic importance will seem clear. It is the main lifeline of the Western world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 42-46
Author(s):  
S.V. DOROZHINSKY ◽  

The article discusses the features of procurement in the framework of the state defense order by conducting trade procedures. The analysis shows that the regulatory framework for state defense orders includes both general acts for the entire public procurement system and special acts regulating relations specifically in the field of defense orders. The features of legal regulation in this sphere are determined, first of all, by the defense order specifics, but, primarily, this sphere as a whole is subject to the rules of legal regulation common to the sphere of public procurement.


Author(s):  
Farhad Khosrokhavar

The creation of the Islamic State in Iraq and Sham (ISIS) changed the nature of jihadism worldwide. For a few years (2014–2017) it exemplified the destructive capacity of jihadism and created a new utopia aimed at restoring the past greatness and glory of the former caliphate. It also attracted tens of thousands of young wannabe combatants of faith (mujahids, those who make jihad) toward Syria and Iraq from more than 100 countries. Its utopia was dual: not only re-creating the caliphate that would spread Islam all over the world but also creating a cohesive, imagined community (the neo-umma) that would restore patriarchal family and put an end to the crisis of modern society through an inflexible interpretation of shari‘a (Islamic laws and commandments). To achieve these goals, ISIS diversified its approach. It focused, in the West, on the rancor of the Muslim migrants’ sons and daughters, on exoticism, and on an imaginary dream world and, in the Middle East, on tribes and the Sunni/Shi‘a divide, particularly in the Iraqi and Syrian societies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 584-587
Author(s):  
B. Harun Küçük

This short essay focuses on three issues: how science studies may facilitate the rapprochement between the philological study of scientific texts and Middle East history; how it may help us reconsider ambiguous if not “black-boxed” terms such as the “state,” “Islam,” and the “West”; and finally, how it may build thematic and theoretical bridges with other histories and geographies of science currently emerging from a more global, and not merely local, perspective.


1973 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikki R. Keddie

The Middle East, as a geographical term, is generally used today to cover the area stretching from Morocco through Afghanistan, and is roughly equivalent to the area of the first wave of Muslim conquests plus Anatolia. It is a predominantly Muslim area with widespread semi-arid and desert conditions where agriculture is heavily dependent on irrigation and pastoral nomadism has been prevalent. With the twentieth-century rise of exclusive linguistic nationalisms, which have taken over many of the emotional overtones formerly concentrated on religious loyalties, it becomes increasingly doubtful that the Middle East is now much more than a geographical expression – covering an area whose inhabitants respond to very different loyalties and values. In Turkey since the days of Atatürk, the ruling and educated élites have gone out of their way to express their identification with Europe and the West and to turn their backs on their traditional Islamic heritage. A glorification of the ‘modern’ and populist elements in the ancient Turkish and Ottoman past has gone along with a downgrading of Arab and Persian cultural influences–indeed the latter are often seen as having corrupted the pure Turkish essence, which only re-emerged with Atatürk’s swepping cultural reforms. Similarly the Iranians are increasingly emulating the technocratic and rationalizing values of the capitalist West, and in the cultural sphere identify with the glorious civilization of pre-Islamic Iran. This identification goes along with a downgrading of Islam and particularly of the Arabs, which has characterized both radical nationalists like the late nineteenth-century Mîrzâ Âqâ Khân Kirmânî and the twentieth-century Ahmad Kasravâ1 and more conservative official nationalists such as the Pahlavi Shahs and their followers. The recent celebrations of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian monarchy, for example, were notable for their virtual exclusion of the Muslim ulama, though religious leaders of other religious were invited, and their lack of specifically Islamic references. In both Iran and Turkey, traditional Islam has become largely a class phenomenon, with the traditional religion followed by a majority of the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie, but rejected or radically modified by the more educated classes. With the continued spread of Western-style secular education it may be expected that the numbers of people identifying with nationalism and with the West (or with the Communist rather than the Islamic East) will grow.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
Eddison Jonas Mudadirwa Zvobgo

As a lawyer, a law-teacher, a Board-member of Amnesty International (U.S.A.) and, more importantly, as an African revolutionary, matters of human rights are of grave concern to me. With racism and fascism gaining ground in the West, reactionary bourgeois chauvinism on the rampage in many of the newly liberated states in Africa, the Middle East and Asia, and statist revisionist tyranny masquerading as revolutionary socialism in some of the socialist countries, few can afford ivory-tower debates involving human rights. Certainly I cannot, having spent seven years in Salisbury Maximum Security Prison as Ian Smith’s political prisoner.


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