Structural Transformation and Inclusive Growth

Author(s):  
Andy Sumner

This chapter reviews currents in theory with a focus on modernization and neoclassical statements of comparative advantage on the one hand, and structuralism, dependency, and other theories of underdevelopment on the other. The latter theories of underdevelopment hit their zenith in the policies of the import-substitution industrialization of the 1960s and 1970s. They were largely dismissed in the 1980s as the limits of import-substitution industrialization became apparent and as East Asia industrialized, undermining any argument that structural transformation was problematic in the periphery. This chapter theorizes that neither orthodox nor heterodox theories of structural transformation adequately explain the development of late developers because of the heterogeneity of contemporary capitalism. That said, heterodox theories, which coalesce around the nature of incorporation of developing countries into the global economy, do retain conceptual usefulness in their focal point, ‘developmentalism’, by which we mean the deliberate attempts at national development led by the state.

Author(s):  
D. Hugh Whittaker ◽  
Timothy Sturgeon ◽  
Toshie Okita ◽  
Tianbiao Zhu

This book highlights the importance of time and timing in economic and social development. ‘Compressed development’ consists of two key features and their interaction: the tendency for development processes to unfold more rapidly (compression) and the institution-shaping influences of major periods of change and growth, especially when countries become integrated into the global economy (era). Using an interdisciplinary conceptual framework of state–market and organization–technology co-evolution, the authors contrast the experiences of ‘early’ and ‘late’ developers such as the United Kingdom and Japan, with countries–most notably China–which have become more deeply integrated with the global economy since the 1990s. Compressed developers experience ‘thin industrialization’, layered types of employment, and ‘double burdens’ or challenges in social development. National development strategies must accommodate global value chains and powerful international actors on the one hand, and decentralization on the other. To cope, and thrive, states must remain developmental, whilst being increasingly engaged and adaptive in multiple levels of governance. Compressed Development explores the historical and contemporary features of economic and social development at the intersection of development studies and studies of globalization. By bringing a new perspective on the ‘middle-income trap’, as well as the emerging digital economy, and the state–market and geopolitical tensions that are currently upending conventional wisdoms, the book offers timely insights that will be useful, not only for students of development, but for policymakers, business, and labour organization seeking to navigate the rushing currents of contemporary capitalism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 180-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trudie Coker

The contradictory goals of state capital accumulation and redistribution eventually led to the demise of corporatism in Venezuela and probably in much of Latin America. When the Venezuelan state was at its zenith of intervention in the economy, it globalized accumulation via foreign debt. Rather than emphasize accumulation and redistribution as it had during the 1960s and 1970s, accumulation to service the debt became the state's central goal by the 1980s. Declining oil prices by the early 1980s highlighted the weakness of a state caught in the grips of antithetical demands from labor and an increasingly impoverished population, on the one hand, and private capital demanding debt repayment, on the other hand. By definition, corporatism creates a dependency between the state and organized labor. Historically, labor depended on the state for economic subsidies, and the state relied on labor to maintain legitimacy. By the late 1990s, lack of labor autonomy literally dragged labor down with a state drowning in debt and incapacitated by lack of legitimacy. While corporatism is more a relic of things past, the positive implications of increasing labor autonomy are dismal as organized labor has been disarticulated and the democratic state is all but a skeleton.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.


2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 254-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Shirley

The relationship between local economic development and the global economy is a dynamic process that differs in space and time and from country to country. Nowhere are these differences more evident than within the Asian and Pacific region—a region of contrasts. It is a region that contains nine of the so called ‘least developed’ countries and more than 50 per cent of the world's poor. It hosts Japan, which emerged as a major economic power in the 1960s and 1970s, to be followed a short time later by the ‘tiger’ economies of South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. More recently, the region's development has been dominated by the emerging global powers of China, India and Brazil. The contrasting characteristics and performance of these nations becomes even more graphic when the focus centres on the metropolitan cities of the region, including Mumbai, Shanghai, Apia, Melbourne, Kuala Lumpur, Santiago and Auckland (Shirley, 2008).


2021 ◽  
pp. 073527512110548
Author(s):  
Thomas Olesen

Democracy has been characterized from its outset by an autonomy dilemma. On the one hand, we think it vital that organizations work according to their own codes and logics. On the other hand, we insist that autonomy must never be complete, that citizens have a right to transgress boundaries to expose wrongdoing. With their insider position in the organizations where wrongdoing occurs, whistleblowers hold a unique place within this democratic politics of disclosure, which has so far not been sociologically theorized. This article takes four steps to address this lacuna: First, I situate whistleblowing within the democratic landslides that took place during the 1960s and 1970s; second, I disentangle it from practices such as journalism and activism; third, I argue that whistleblowers are particularly well positioned to detect normalized wrongdoing within organizations; and fourth, I discuss how whistleblowers’ most pronounced effect is the disclosure of gray areas that have gone under the democratic radar.


Sociologus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Elke Mader

Dancing for Uwí (peach palm, Bactris gasipaes), a calendric ritual celebrated by the Shuar in the Ecuadorian Amazon region, forms part of a mainly animistic ontology, and has been reframed repeatedly during the past century in interaction with shifting historical, political and cultural contexts. The power field associated with Uwí is extensive, and encompasses life and death: on the one hand, Uwí stands at the centre of the ritualization of life, growth, procreativity and abundance; on the other hand, he embodies destructive agency, which has been linked with warfare and its diverse ritual frames. Uwí represents, at the same time, a significant dimension of a Shuar theory of life, as well as a figure within their theory of power, and is closely connected to conviviality and the good life. During the 1960s and 1970s Uwí was adopted and adapted by intercultural Catholic liturgy, and has acquired new ritual elements and new meanings in this context. In recent years, after large gaps between performances from the 1970s to the new millennium, Uwí and his celebration has been merged with the performance of indigeneity as part of intercultural politics in Ecuador. In this framework, the performance of an animistic ontology has been interconnected with the cultural turn in indigenous politics. This contribution explores several questions concerning ontological trajectories, as well as the relationship of ritual and cultural performances to historical developments and political issues.


1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney M. Milkis

Interpreting the 1970s is a difficult business. On the one hand, reformers struggled earnestly and effectively to codify the exalted vision of a good society that was celebrated during the 1960s. And yet in doing so, they appeared to routinize rather than resolve the virulent conflicts of the previous decade. Scholars tend to agree that the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s marked a transformation of political life no less important than the Progressive Era and the New Deal. Unlike these earlier reform periods, however, the 1960s and 1970s did not embrace national administrative power as an agent of social and economic justice. Instead, reformers of the 1960s and 1970s championed “participatory democracy” and viewed the very concept of national governmental authority with deep suspicion. Indeed, Hugh Heclo characterizes the reform legacy of the 1960s and 1970s as one of intractable fractiousness, as a “postmodern” assault on the modern state forged on the anvil of reforms carried out during the Progressive and New Deal eras. “In the end, it appears that a great deal of postmodern policymaking is not really concerned with ‘making policy’ in the sense of finding a settled course of public action that people can live with,” he writes. “It is aimed at crusading for a cause by confronting power with power.”


Humanities ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wieland Schwanebeck

This chapter traces Foucauldian technologies of power in the James Bond universe and characterises the Bond franchise’s biopolitics in the cultural environment of the 1960s and 1970s, when 007 became a mass phenomenon. The majority of the chapter is dedicated to a case study of On Her Majesty’s Secret Service, Ian Fleming’s tenth Bond novel (1963) and the sixth film in the EON series (1969). The chapter highlights the intersection between reproduction and fertility on the one hand and the infliction of death and mass genocide on the other, and it examines how James Bond juxtaposes the disciplinary means that are directed against the body (as an organism) on the one hand, and the state-powered regulation of biological processes that control the population on the other. The two versions of On Her Majesty’s Secret Service amount to the franchise’s most straightforward foray into the realm of biopolitics and would pave the way for the franchise’s subsequent biopolitical and eugenic moments, like when the figure of the genocidal villain gets to articulate the franchise’s own subliminal agenda regarding population control and the future of the (British) species.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-60
Author(s):  
Philipp Schwab

Abstract The paper discusses the question as to whether, and in which way, Nietzsche is present in Derrida’s readings of Heidegger in the Geschlecht texts, and in the newly edited Geschlecht III specifically. In order to unfold the background of this question, the first part turns to earlier texts from the 1960s and 1970s and shows that Nietzsche is a key figure in Derrida’s takes on Heidegger, especially as regards the issue of Heidegger’s “belonging” to metaphysics. The second part then addresses the Geschlecht texts and makes the case that, despite their brevity and seeming marginality, the remarks on Nietzsche, most of all in Geschlecht III, are indeed illuminating, in mainly two regards: on the one hand, they shed some light on how Derrida reads and “dislocates” Heidegger in these texts overall, and on the other hand, they contribute to the question of a “continuity” in Derrida’s relations to Heidegger.


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