Dancing for Uwí – Rituals and Ontologies on the Move

Sociologus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Elke Mader
Keyword(s):  
Past Century ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Cultural Performances ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
Relationship Of

Dancing for Uwí (peach palm, Bactris gasipaes), a calendric ritual celebrated by the Shuar in the Ecuadorian Amazon region, forms part of a mainly animistic ontology, and has been reframed repeatedly during the past century in interaction with shifting historical, political and cultural contexts. The power field associated with Uwí is extensive, and encompasses life and death: on the one hand, Uwí stands at the centre of the ritualization of life, growth, procreativity and abundance; on the other hand, he embodies destructive agency, which has been linked with warfare and its diverse ritual frames. Uwí represents, at the same time, a significant dimension of a Shuar theory of life, as well as a figure within their theory of power, and is closely connected to conviviality and the good life. During the 1960s and 1970s Uwí was adopted and adapted by intercultural Catholic liturgy, and has acquired new ritual elements and new meanings in this context. In recent years, after large gaps between performances from the 1970s to the new millennium, Uwí and his celebration has been merged with the performance of indigeneity as part of intercultural politics in Ecuador. In this framework, the performance of an animistic ontology has been interconnected with the cultural turn in indigenous politics. This contribution explores several questions concerning ontological trajectories, as well as the relationship of ritual and cultural performances to historical developments and political issues.

Structural Transformation and Inclusive Growth

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Sumner
Keyword(s):  
Structural Transformation ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
Import Substitution ◽  
National Development ◽  
Inclusive Growth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Import Substitution Industrialization

This chapter reviews currents in theory with a focus on modernization and neoclassical statements of comparative advantage on the one hand, and structuralism, dependency, and other theories of underdevelopment on the other. The latter theories of underdevelopment hit their zenith in the policies of the import-substitution industrialization of the 1960s and 1970s. They were largely dismissed in the 1980s as the limits of import-substitution industrialization became apparent and as East Asia industrialized, undermining any argument that structural transformation was problematic in the periphery. This chapter theorizes that neither orthodox nor heterodox theories of structural transformation adequately explain the development of late developers because of the heterogeneity of contemporary capitalism. That said, heterodox theories, which coalesce around the nature of incorporation of developing countries into the global economy, do retain conceptual usefulness in their focal point, ‘developmentalism’, by which we mean the deliberate attempts at national development led by the state.

Religious Non-Affiliation

2021 ◽  
pp. 172-193
Author(s):  
William V. Trollinger
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Christian Right ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Conservative Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Success

For the past century, the bulk of white evangelicalism has been tightly linked to very conservative politics. But in response to social and cultural changes in the 1960s and 1970s, conservative white evangelicalism organized itself into the Christian Right, in the process attaching itself to and making itself indispensable to the Republican Party. While the Christian Right has enjoyed significant political success, its fusion of evangelicalism/Christianity with right-wing politics—which includes white nationalism, hostility to immigrants, unfettered capitalism, and intense homophobia—has driven many Americans (particularly, young Americans) to disaffiliate from religion altogether. In fact, the quantitative and qualitative evidence make it clear that the Christian Right has been a (perhaps the) primary reason for the remarkable rise of the religious “nones” in the past three decades. More than this, the Christian Right is, in itself, a sign of secularization.

scholarly journals Praetorian Army in Action: A Critical Assessment of Civil–Military Relations in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-222
Author(s):  
Berk Esen
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Relations

With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes.

Globalization and Corporatism: The Growth and Decay of Organized Labor in Venezuela, 1900–1998

2001 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 180-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trudie Coker
Keyword(s):  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Foreign Debt ◽  
The State ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
State Capital ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One

The contradictory goals of state capital accumulation and redistribution eventually led to the demise of corporatism in Venezuela and probably in much of Latin America. When the Venezuelan state was at its zenith of intervention in the economy, it globalized accumulation via foreign debt. Rather than emphasize accumulation and redistribution as it had during the 1960s and 1970s, accumulation to service the debt became the state's central goal by the 1980s. Declining oil prices by the early 1980s highlighted the weakness of a state caught in the grips of antithetical demands from labor and an increasingly impoverished population, on the one hand, and private capital demanding debt repayment, on the other hand. By definition, corporatism creates a dependency between the state and organized labor. Historically, labor depended on the state for economic subsidies, and the state relied on labor to maintain legitimacy. By the late 1990s, lack of labor autonomy literally dragged labor down with a state drowning in debt and incapacitated by lack of legitimacy. While corporatism is more a relic of things past, the positive implications of increasing labor autonomy are dismal as organized labor has been disarticulated and the democratic state is all but a skeleton.

Heartfelt Driving: Discourses on Manners, Safety, and Emotion in Japan's Era of Mass Motorization

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Hotaka Roth
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Traffic Accidents ◽  
Emotional Reactions ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Social Management ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
School Curricula

This paper explores the contradictory discourses on manners, safety and emotion that arose with mass motorization in Japan in the 1960s and which continue through the present. It documents the way in which multiple government entities end up working at cross-purposes in their attempts to cultivate safer drivers and slow the epidemic of traffic accidents. On the one hand, the discourse on driving manners suggests a widespread embrace of the Traffic Bureau's and other government agencies' concern with safety. On the other hand, the emphasis on manners may lead to angrier driving, which promotes accidents according to psychological studies of driving. The picture that emerges is one in which attempts at social control are complicated by the often unpredictable emotional reactions of subjects caught in a web of institutional and ideological processes. By exploring the relationship of emotion to driving school curricula and the discourse on manners, this article extends previous studies of self, social control, and social management in Japan.

Virtual Communities, Real Struggles

2011 ◽  
pp. 446-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francois Fortier
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Virtual Communities ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Post Industrial

There is a technology that was said to have the “power to disband armies, to cashier presidents, to create a whole new democratic world — democratic in ways never before imagined, even in America” (From Daniel Boorstin’s The Republic of Technology, cited in Winner, 1996, p.20). This technology was none other than television, whose potential for low-density mental reformatting is today more widely recognised than its affinity with democracy — in America as elsewhere. In fact, “Dreams of instant liberation from centralised social control have accompanied virtually every important new technological system introduced during the past century and a half” (Winner, 1986, pp.95-96). Collective memory is short, and information and communication technologies (ICTs) are now on the leading float of the technophile carnival. For many, the new technological artefacts promise to end the alienation of labour and industrial apocalypse, to leapfrog the so-called Third World into post-industrial informationalism, and to cast the foundations of slave-less, gender-balanced Athenian democracy (see notably Cairncross, 1997; Burton, 1997; Negroponte, 1995; Bissio, 1996; Annis, 1991; Lipnack and Stamps, 1986). Yet, beyond the hype of the so-called Information Revolution, ICTs are having other implications, more tuned to neo-liberal substance than classical utopia. Those implications call for a critical political economic analysis and precocious system planning and deployment. On the one hand, this chapter compares the overall political impact of the technology in relation to the immediate advantages it is said to confer. On the other hand, the analysis shows that the development and implementation of ICTs, far from serving democracy, does in fact consolidate social injustice through ideological homogenisation, restrictive controls, and an enhanced capacity for surveillance. In search of alternatives, the last section of the chapter focuses on the technological conditions and political strategies through which information systems could be more relevant to progressive social forces and grassroots emancipation.2 A matrix of relevant political issues is proposed in an effort to construct strategies of progressive community networking.

Cultural Stereotypes and Negotiations in Sámi Cinema

Films on Ice ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Kim Mecsei
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Language Policies ◽  
Cultural Stereotypes ◽  
Feature Films ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Further Development

This chapter provides a history of representations of Sámi peoples in Norwegian cinema over the past century, from the various remakes of Laila to comedies in the 1960s and 1970s indigenous rights documentaries.  Mecsei  examines recent developments in film production and Sámi language policies through the opening of the International Sámi Film Center in Guovdageaidnu-Kautokeino, Norway. The chapter outlines the history of the emergence of Sami self-representational film narratives through an analysis of the fiction feature films of Nils Gaup, including his groundbreaking films Pathfinder (1987) and The Kautokeino Rebellion (2008). Mecsei traces the further development of the diversity of Sámi feature filmmaking in two very distinct films: Paul-Anders Simma’s Minister of State (1997) and Lars Göran Pettersson’s Bázo (2003).

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nizan Shaked
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Conceptual Art ◽  
Gay Liberation ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Multiple Identity ◽  
Lorna Simpson ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

The introduction addresses two intersecting trajectories in American art between the late 1960s and the early twenty-first-century century. On the one hand, it traces the ways in which disciplinary Conceptual Art, with a capital “C”, expanded into the diverse set of practices that have been characterised generally as conceptualism. On the other hand, it shows how the expansion of a critical conceptualism has been strongly informed by the turbulent rights-based politics of the 1960s. Initially, first generation Conceptual artists responded to preceding art movements within disciplinary boundaries, examining the definition of art itself and engaging abstract concerns. Artists then applied the basic principles of Conceptual Art to address a range of social and political issues. This development reflects the influence of Civil Rights, Black Power, the student movement, the anti-war movement, second wave feminism, and the gay liberation movement. Central in the American context, the multiple identity-based mobilisations that came to be known as “identity politics” were further articulated in the 1970s. The artists addressed in this book: Adrian Piper, Joseph Kosuth, David Hammons, Renée Green, Mary Kelly, Martha Rosler, Silvia Kolbowski, Daniel Joseph Martinez, Lorna Simpson, Andrea Fraser, Hans Haacke, and Charles Gaines expanded the propositions of Conceptual Art.

Democracy’s Autonomy Dilemma: Whistleblowing and the Politics of Disclosure

2021 ◽  
pp. 073527512110548
Author(s):  
Thomas Olesen
Keyword(s):  
Pronounced Effect ◽  
The Other ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
Gray Areas

Democracy has been characterized from its outset by an autonomy dilemma. On the one hand, we think it vital that organizations work according to their own codes and logics. On the other hand, we insist that autonomy must never be complete, that citizens have a right to transgress boundaries to expose wrongdoing. With their insider position in the organizations where wrongdoing occurs, whistleblowers hold a unique place within this democratic politics of disclosure, which has so far not been sociologically theorized. This article takes four steps to address this lacuna: First, I situate whistleblowing within the democratic landslides that took place during the 1960s and 1970s; second, I disentangle it from practices such as journalism and activism; third, I argue that whistleblowers are particularly well positioned to detect normalized wrongdoing within organizations; and fourth, I discuss how whistleblowers’ most pronounced effect is the disclosure of gray areas that have gone under the democratic radar.

Remaking Government Institutions in the 1970s: Participatory Democracy and the Triumph of Administrative Politics

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney M. Milkis
Keyword(s):  
Progressive Era ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Action ◽  
Previous Decade ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
The New Deal

Interpreting the 1970s is a difficult business. On the one hand, reformers struggled earnestly and effectively to codify the exalted vision of a good society that was celebrated during the 1960s. And yet in doing so, they appeared to routinize rather than resolve the virulent conflicts of the previous decade. Scholars tend to agree that the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s marked a transformation of political life no less important than the Progressive Era and the New Deal. Unlike these earlier reform periods, however, the 1960s and 1970s did not embrace national administrative power as an agent of social and economic justice. Instead, reformers of the 1960s and 1970s championed “participatory democracy” and viewed the very concept of national governmental authority with deep suspicion. Indeed, Hugh Heclo characterizes the reform legacy of the 1960s and 1970s as one of intractable fractiousness, as a “postmodern” assault on the modern state forged on the anvil of reforms carried out during the Progressive and New Deal eras. “In the end, it appears that a great deal of postmodern policymaking is not really concerned with ‘making policy’ in the sense of finding a settled course of public action that people can live with,” he writes. “It is aimed at crusading for a cause by confronting power with power.”

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