Condé’s Miscalculation and Mazarin’s Gamble

1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 76-118
Author(s):  
David Parrott

The chapter begins by looking at the various ways, beyond applying pressure to the queen mother, by which Mazarin had sought to secure his return from exile, and their equal lack of success. This account is interwoven with an account of Condé’s political alienation after his return from imprisonment; his failure to develop stable political relationships either with Anne of Austria or the king’s uncle, Gaston d’Orléans; and the series of self-inflicted blows that he managed to inflict on his own power and standing. Frustrated by his declining influence and afraid of re-arrest, Condé refused to appear at the ceremony of the king’s majority and left Paris to establish a base of military resistance in Guienne, focused on the already rebellious city of Bordeaux. The initial months of Condé’s revolt saw his troops defeated and driven southwards by royalist forces. Despite Mazarin’s absence, the government showed that it had the capacity to crush Condé’s revolt. Yet for the cardinal, Condé’s rebellion was the great opportunity to justify ending his exile, returning at the head of mercenaries that would bring support to a supposedly beleaguered crown. Mazarin’s return to France in January 1652 had precisely the opposite effect, reviving the flagging rebellion and bringing together a wave of opposition from those hitherto neutral or sympathetic to the crown. In the rapidly shifting political and military context of early 1652 Condé slipped away from his army in Guienne, joined up with the forces of Gaston d’Orléans and Spanish troops aiding his rebellion, and inflicted a surprise defeat on royalist forces at Bléneau (6/7 April 1652).

1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 44-75
Author(s):  
David Parrott

The chapter examines the crisis of authority that had emerged in early 1650 between cardinal Mazarin and Condé, and provides a character assessment of the two protagonists. Mazarin’s decision to resolve the crisis by arresting and imprisoning Condé, his brother, and his brother-in-law generated a variety of damaging consequences, including military operations conducted against the royal armies by Turenne, while opposition progressively focused hostility on Mazarin and his style of government. During a crucial few weeks in January 1651, open condemnation of the cardinal, above all by the Parlement of Paris, undermined the remnants of Mazarin’s power and forced him to release the princes. Despite Mazarin’s hopes for a rapprochement with Condé, he was expelled from France and ultimately settled in exile at Brühl in the territory of the Archbishop-Elector of Cologne. The rest of the chapter explores Mazarin’s inability, both practical and psychological, to accept the permanence of his exile, and his attempts to exert maximum pressure, through correspondence and allies at court, on Anne of Austria, the queen mother, to recall him to France. The chapter concludes with the comprehensive failure of this policy when, on the eve of Louis XIII’s thirteenth birthday and the declaration of his official majority, the regency government promulgated an edict reiterating Mazarin’s criminal behaviour and his banishment in perpetuity (6 September 1651).


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 3175-3183
Author(s):  
Ida Wahyuni Iskandar

The struggle of women to actualize themselves in the political arena is very difficult since the situation that always accompanies is even an obstacle for them to move freely. Meanwhile, political reform which occurred in Indonesia has certainly given great opportunity to women to participate. In this study, the sampling technique is purposive sampling. The analysis technique used in this study is using interactive model analysis. The results of the research are vote casting the most basic of political participation which women are already involved in general election to vote for governor of East Kalimantan. They have realized that their vote determines the future of their region. For this the simplest form of political participation, most of the women in East Kalimantan have performed their right.The role of the participation of women activists is important in inviting women in East Kalimantan to participate in general elections. To increase activist women's participation is not only the responsibility of one party. Political education for women needs to be held more widely, not only for certain groups. Efforts to increase women's participation in politics certainly need systemic collaboration from various parties from the government, political parties, and community organizations.


Author(s):  
Siswati Saragi ◽  
Kariaman Sinaga ◽  
Budiman Purba

Garbage is a big problem in Medan City. Therefore, this study aims to find out how the role of government in empowering the community through waste management. In this study, data collection techniques were carried out through interviews, observation, and literature study. The analysis technique used is an interactive qualitative. Qualitative data analysis is carried out interactively and continues continuously until it is complete so that the data is already saturated. The results showed that the government did not have a special program for the development of this garbage bank. When the government has not optimally developed future development plans, the community will also feel pessimistic and unsure of the existence of this garbage bank. The community is less interested in getting involved in this garbage bank. The community felt that the training they had received was only knowledge and did not have a great opportunity to be developed. This relates to the statement that one of the obstacles in implementing community empowerment is the rejection of the community itself because the community does not have confidence.


Author(s):  
Md. Al Mamun ◽  
Md. Abdul Jabbar ◽  
Rebeka Sultana

The study was conducted to have an overview of the existing condition of women entrepreneurs in climate vulnerable char area in line with their problems and prospects. The analysis was based on primary data collected through personal interviews spread over a period of three months in four districts namely Bogura, Sirajgong, Ghaibandha and Rangpur of Bangladesh which have a significant area of char land. A set of questionnaires were prepared to conduct the field survey. The results revealed that women entrepreneurship in char area is an important tool to improve livelihood, empowerment and economic independency of many women. Indeed, women in char areas are engaged in different types of enterprises of which some are agro-based (poultry and cattle rearing, seed business and organic fertilizer business) and some are nonfarm based (boutique house, handicrafts, grocery and tailoring). Fertile and virgin soil with isolation distance is the most common opportunity for agricultural seed business in char areas. Huge cattle population in char areas is another organic manure business in chars. Most of the cases showed that women entrepreneurs selected their enterprises with what they were familiar and started their business with own savings followed by borrowing money from parents or husband or relatives. The study clearly indicated that lack of capital; communication and transportation are still the main problem of women entrepreneurs in char area. The other major problems include absence of marketing facilities, lack of chances for skill development training and different family issues. Family conflict and negative attitude of society also important barrier to start up a business. Another common barrier faced by the women entrepreneurs is balancing time between the enterprise and the family duty or responsibilities. This study conveys the message that if the char land women are provided with appropriate training, motivation and need-based financial and related assistance, they will enter into the entrepreneurial occupation in a large number and will prove their worth to contribute to the economy of Bangladesh. Both the government organizations and private sector should contribute to promote entrepreneurship development for women in the char area of Bangladesh where a great opportunity is waiting.


Author(s):  
Hanifah Puspita Sari ◽  
Inayati Inayati,

Coffee is one of the agricultural commodities that can become Indonesia's export booster. The value of world coffee consumption is increasing every year and Indonesia is the fourth largest coffee producer in the world, so it has a great opportunity to increase the coffee market. Hence, in the last ten years Indonesia's land area, production, and coffee productivity have stagnated. Though competitors began to emerge from neighboring countries. This study aims to map the state levy policy both in the form of incentives and disincentives to encourage the development of this commodity and the efforts made to minimize the burden of state levies that are disincentive. This study uses a qualitative approach with data collection methods in the form of in-depth interviews and secondary data. The results of the study show that there are several incentive policies such as income tax incentives for investment, VAT exemptions for several inputs, and exemption from import duties. The disincentive levy is VAT collection on the delivery of coffee beans which has an impact on the export competitiveness of coffee. One solution that has been issued by the government is to give an initial return on tax overpayment. The government needs to provide special treatment for VAT on this commodity as other countries do. The results of the study are expected to be used to improve the collection policy, particularly those that are disincentives to encourage superior agricultural products to export better.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 161-170
Author(s):  
Елена Егорова ◽  
Elena Egorova ◽  
Елена Бокарева ◽  
Elena Bokareva

One of the priorities of economic development is the formation of a stable and sustainable tax system for the Russian Federation for the upcoming planning period, and this means fiscal stability, promoting economic growth in business activity. In the current situation, the main focus of the tax must be made exactly on stimulating component of tax policy in order to ensure stimulation of the economy, as well as business agents to develop production and open new business in Russia. One of the tools of tax incentives are tax preferences. Legislators at the federal level should not make decisions for the regions, the regions should be given a greater autonomy in matters of incentives. In the first place, it is necessary to increase production and sales of competitive goods and services. Only by increasing the production of goods may be increased tax revenues. Today, taxes are considered solely as a means to supplement the budget. The government, seeking to reduce tax benefits, believes that this will contribute to greater density in the budget. But the reduction of tax preferences for the producers will have the opposite effect - a reduction of output and, consequently, a decrease in the output of goods as well as reduced tax revenues. Therefore, in our opinion, it is necessary not to reduce, but to increase government support through tax breaks, subsidies and different preferences, as this would increase the output of goods and, therefore, result in an increase in the tax base and in an increase in tax revenues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri M. Zhukov

Within a single conflict, the scale of government violence against civilians can vary greatly—from mass atrocities in one village to eerie restraint in the next. This article argues that the scale of anticivilian violence depends on a combatant's relative dependence on local and external sources of support. External resources make combatants less dependent on the local population, yet create perverse incentives for how the population is to be treated. Efforts by the opposition to interdict the government's external resources can reverse this effect, making the government more dependent on the local population. The article tests this relationship with disaggregated archival data on German-occupied Belarus during World War II. It finds that Soviet partisan attacks against German personnel provoked reprisals against civilians but that attacks against railroads had the opposite effect. Where partisans focused on disrupting German supply lines rather than killing Germans, occupying forces conducted fewer reprisals, burned fewer houses, and killed fewer people.


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