The Ecclesiastical Lunar Calendar and Its Critics, 300–1100

Author(s):  
C. Philipp E. Nothaft

This chapter begins with a succinct account of the development of lunar cycles for the purpose of Easter reckoning in late antiquity and the controversies these cycles generated up to the end of the eighth century, most notably in Britain and Ireland. After a look at the politics and arguments behind these controversies, the discussion turns towards the gradual emergence of a standardized ecclesiastical calendar during the early medieval period. While this calendar was still being constructed, the astronomical handicaps of the underlying 19-year cycle had already started to cause discrepancies between predicted and observable new and full moons. One reaction to this problem was the development of a completely new approach to lunar reckoning in the guise of the computus naturalis, which attempted to predict the precise time of the new moon by extracting the length of the mean synodic month and reckoning forward from observed eclipses.

Vox Patrum ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 713-720
Author(s):  
Józef Naumowicz

The time from the conception to the birth of Jesus is most often given as nine or ten months. Sometimes one and the same author gives both numbers without any explanation, for example Tertullian, Zeno of Verona, Ambrose of Milan or Jerome. However there is no contradiction between the two. „Ten months” refers to lunar months (28 days), and corresponds to nine months in the solar calendar. The ecclesiastical authors used the formula „ten (lunar) months” not only be-cause they wanted to follow Virgil, as Adkin suggests. It appears also in the writings of pagan authors of late antiquity, and survived as a set phrase in everyday language into times when the lunar calendar was no longer used (with the exception of the Christian reckoning of Easter, which continued to be based on lunar cycles). Another matter are the opinions reported by Epiphanius in the Panarion, that Jesus was born seven (according to the Alogi) or nine and a half months after conception. These opinions arose no doubt from numerological speculation, but the length of pregnancy is also reckoned in lunar months. This shows that in late antiąuity the expression „ten months” was not merely a formula. Lunar months were still used and understood, particularly if it was to give the length of time spent by a child in its mother’s womb.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Pears ◽  
A.G. Brown ◽  
J. Carroll ◽  
P. Toms ◽  
J. Wood ◽  
...  

Environmental information from place-names has largely been overlooked by geoarchaeologists and fluvial geomorphologists in analyses of the depositional histories of rivers and floodplains. Here, new flood chronologies for the rivers Teme, Severn, and Wye are presented, modelled from stable river sections excavated at Broadwas, Buildwas, and Rotherwas. These are connected by the Old English term *wæsse, interpreted as ‘land by a meandering river which floods and drains quickly’. The results reveal that, in all three places, flooding during the early medieval period occurred more frequently between AD 350–700 than between AD 700–1100, but that over time each river's flooding regime became more complex including high magnitude single events. In the sampled locations, the fluvial dynamics of localized flood events had much in common, and almost certainly differed in nature from other sections of their rivers, refining our understanding of the precise nature of flooding which their names sought to communicate. This study shows how the toponymic record can be helpful in the long-term reconstruction of historic river activity and for our understanding of past human perceptions of riverine environments.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 67-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lapidge

Some twenty years ago the late Professor Alistair Campbell observed that there were two broad stylistic traditions of Anglo-Latinity: the one, which he called the classical, was seen to have its principal proponent in Bede; the other, which he called the hermeneutic, was said to have its principal proponent in Aldhelm. The following discussion is an attempt to clarify Campbell's broad distinction by reference to a variety of tenth-century Anglo-Latin texts which may be described as ‘hermeneutic’. By ‘hermeneutic’ I understand a style whose most striking feature is the ostentatious parade of unusual, often very arcane and apparently learned vocabulary. In Latin literature of the medieval period, this vocabulary is of three general sorts: (1) archaisms, words which were not in use in classical Latin but were exhumed by medieval authors from the grammarians or from Terence and Plautus; (2) neologisms or coinages; and (3) loan-words. In the early medieval period (before, say, 1100) the most common source of loan-words was Greek. This was a result of the universal prestige which Greek enjoyed, particularly after the Carolingian period, when a very few exceptional men seemed to have a fundamental knowledge of the language. But sound knowledge of Greek was always restricted to a privileged minority (principally because of the lack of an adequate and widely circulated introductory primer); for the majority of medieval authors, acquaintance with continuous Greek came only through reciting the Creed, the Lord's Prayer or occasionally the psalter in Greek, and acquaintance with Greek vocabulary came through Greek–Latin glossaries. The most popular of the Greek–Latin glossaries – those based ultimately on the grammar of Dositheus – had originated as bilingual phrase-books in the bilingual world of Late Antiquity. But as first-hand knowledge of Greek disappeared, these glossaries were inevitably carelessly copied, with the result that Greek words derived from glossaries often bear little resemblance to their originals (ιχθυs. becomesiactisin several glossaries, to choose a random example). Accordingly, Greek vocabulary derived from glossaries has a distinctive flavour, either in its bizarre orthography or its unpredictable denotation, and is usually readily identifiable. In the following pages I shall attempt to show how Anglo-Latin authors of the tenth century ornamented their style by the use of archaisms, neologisms and grecisms, derived for the most part from glossaries. One point should be mentioned, however: it is customary among certain scholars of insular Latin to describe a style in which unusual words are found as ‘Hisperic’. But this term is often carelessly employed. It ought to refer strictly to the exceedingly obscure and almost secretive language of theHisperica Faminathemselves, compositions which abound in grecisms and are characterized by a predictable kind of neologism – nouns terminating in-men, -fer, -ger; verbs in-itareor-icare; adjectives in-osus. Unfortunately, however, the term ‘Hisperic’ carries with it some connotation of Ireland. TheHisperica Faminathemselves were almost certainly composed in Ireland; but all medieval Latin literature which displays neologisms and grecisms was not. Such literature usually has nothing in common with theHisperica Faminasave that it sends a modern reader to his dictionary. I would therefore urge the use of the more neutral term ‘hermeneutic’ and hope to show that the excessively mannered style of many tenth-century Anglo-Latin compositions has nothing to do with Ireland or theHisperica Famina, but is in the main an indigenous development.


Martyrdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yair Furstenberg

Yair Furstenberg discusses the changing nature of canonisation of a cluster of martyrdom traditions about the ten rabbinic sages, who were executed by the Romans in the First or Second century CE. The canonical texts were transmitted as isolated stories in several rabbinic writings, which were only combined to a grand narrative in Late Antiquity or the early Medieval period. One indication of the major re-interpretation of martyrdom in this period is the fact that instead of idolatry or the transgression of a Roman decree or another reason that was obvious from a Roman perspective, the ten Rabbis were executed because the emperor found out that the Jews were never punished for the ancestral sin of selling Joseph to the Ishmaelite merchants (Gen. 37:23-37). This implies that their death was intended by God, which was confirmed by the heavenly journey of one of these Rabbis, Rabbi Ishmael, to inquire about their case. Furstenberg argues that the evolution of the Story of the Ten Martyrs from its Talmudic foundations in interaction with Christianity betrays a fundamental shift in Jewish martyrological discourse that reveals the strategy for confronting the religious claims of political power through the act of martyrdom.


2010 ◽  
Vol 103 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rivka Ulmer

The engagement with Egypt and the Egyptian gods that transpired in the Hebrew Bible continued into the texts produced by rabbinic Judaism. Rabbinic texts of late antiquity and the early medieval period frequently presented images of Egypt and its religion. One of the critical objectives of these portrayals of Egypt was to set boundaries of Jewish identity by presenting rabbinic Judaism in opposition to Egyptian culture. The Egyptian cultural icons in rabbinic texts also demonstrate that the rabbis were aware of cultures other than their own.1 The presence of Egyptian elements in midrash had previously been noted to a very limited extent by scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the science of Judaism), and it has not escaped the attention of more recent scholarship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-407
Author(s):  
Julien Cooper

AbstractAncient nomadic peoples in Northeast Africa, being in the shadow of urban regimes of Egypt, Kush, and Aksum as well as the Graeco-Roman and Arab worlds, have been generally relegated to the historiographical model of the frontier ‘barbarian’. In this view, little political importance is attached to indigenous political organisation, with desert nomads being considered an amorphous mass of unsettled people beyond the frontiers of established states. However, in the Eastern Desert of Sudan and Egypt, a pastoralist nomadic people ancestrally related to the modern Beja dominated the deserts for millennia. Though generally considered as a group of politically divided tribes sharing only language and a pastoralist economy, ancient Beja society and its elites created complex political arrangements in their desert. When Egyptian, Greek, Coptic, and Arab sources are combined and analysed, it is evident that nomads formed a large confederate ‘nomadic state’ throughout late antiquity and the early medieval period — a vital cog in the political engine of Northeast Africa.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Šime Perović

Three important components mark the problems of glass production in late antiquity and the early medieval period. The first consists of glass finds discovered in excavations of early Christian structures or complexes. The second consists of objects from the settlement strata of a considerable number of excavated medieval sites, some of them with a Roman past (Nin, Bribir…), while the third consists of material from the excavations of early medieval cemeteries. The subject of this discussion is actually the analysis of several exclusive glass items that come from the Early Croatian cemetery at Ždrijac that expand knowledge about late antique and early medieval glass production on the eastern Adriatic coast. The exclusive nature and exceptional value of the objects, as well as the context of the finds as a part of the integral position of Early Croatian prominent families define them as the possessions of elite members of society. The context of the absence of glass finds in the other graves from this period, and the reduced finds in the settlement strata of early medieval sites, suggests that these objects were imported by wealthy members of society, and from this we can indirectly presume a reduction and perhaps a discontinuation of local glass production in the region of ancient Liburnia in the early medieval period. Finds from the cemetery within grave units that can be assigned chronologically on the basis of other luxurious finds to the first half of the 9th century, when elements of Christianization can be noted at this cemetery otherwise characterized by a pagan burial ritual, allow the possibility of interpreting the probable ritual symbolism of these objects. The use of similar typological forms of glass footed goblets as votive lights during the Early Christian period otherwise leads us to consider that in the context of graves 310 and 322 these could perhaps be oil lamps, symbols of the eternal light that accompanies the deceased in the afterlife. In order to establish the possible production provenience and chronological determination for the manufacture of these objects, the reliably dated context of the burials in the first half of the 9th century was set aside, and a deductive analysis was performed of the basic characteristics of the glass grave goods, resulting in the finding that these items represent standard forms of the 6th and 7th centuries. In considering the production origin on the basis of certain analogies with northern Italy, primarily based on the large quantity of related goblets from sites in northern Italy, such as Nocera Umbra, Invilino, Castel Trosino, and also some nearby Slovenian sites, particularly Koper, one cannot a priori reject the previous relating of the glass finds from the Early Croatian cemetery at Ždrijac in Nin specifically to such a northern Adriatic source. However, the analysis of the decorative patterns on the flasks, which are tied to production in eastern Mediterranean workshops, as well as the exceptionally widespread appearance of glass footed goblets throughout the entire Mediterranean, also indicate the relevant possibility of an eastern provenience of these artifacts. The means by which they arrived in the context of the cemetery at Ždrijac are difficult to perceive, but the appearance of these grave goods in grave units from the 9th century shows a renewed interest in glass products, which after the great expansion in the early Imperial period had been greatly reduced in late antiquity and the early medieval period.


Afghanistan ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-165
Author(s):  
Waleed Ziad

This paper concerns a historically significant find of copper derivatives of Umayyad post-reform fulus from Gandhara, probably minted in the mid-eighth century under Turk Shahi sovereignty (c. 667–875). The coins share an unusual feature: two Brahmi aksharas on an Umayyad AE prototype, inversely oriented to a partially-corrupted Arabic legend. These base metal coins represent perhaps the only known caliphal imitative varieties issued by moneyers beyond the eastern limits of Umayyad and Abbasid sovereignty. They have the potential to inform our understanding of the complex relationship between political authority, confessional identity, and coin typology in late antiquity – particularly within early “Hindu”– “Muslim” contact zones. Moreover, they provide invaluable clues into the circulatory regimes of Umayyad coinage.


Author(s):  
Giovanna Bianchi

In 1994, an article appeared in the Italian journal Archeologia Medievale, written by Chris Wickham and Riccardo Francovich, entitled ‘Uno scavo archeologico ed il problema dello sviluppo della signoria territoriale: Rocca San Silvestro e i rapporti di produzione minerari’. It marked a breakthrough in the study of the exploitation of mineral resources (especially silver) in relation to forms of power, and the associated economic structure, and control of production between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. On the basis of the data available to archeological research at the time, the article ended with a series of open questions, especially relating to the early medieval period. The new campaign of field research, focused on the mining landscape of the Colline Metallifere in southern Tuscany, has made it possible to gather more information. While the data that has now been gathered are not yet sufficient to give definite and complete answers to those questions, they nevertheless allow us to now formulate some hypotheses which may serve as the foundations for broader considerations as regards the relationship between the exploitation of a fundamental resource for the economy of the time, and the main players and agents in that system of exploitation, within a landscape that was undergoing transformation in the period between the early medieval period and the middle centuries of the Middle Ages.


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