The New Party Challenge

Author(s):  
Tim Haughton ◽  
Kevin Deegan-Krause

Why are there so many new parties? Why do so few of them survive? And why are they appearing and disappearing in so many more countries these days? Based on hundreds of interviews with party leaders, activists and voters and three decades of election results across Europe, The New Party Challenge introduces new tools for mapping and measuring party systems and develops an integrated conceptual framework for analysing the dynamics of party politics, particularly the birth and death of parties. The book charts and explains the patterns of politics in Central Europe since 1989, and then shows how similar processes are at play on a far wider geographical canvas. The repeated breakthroughs of new parties poses multiple challenges: existing parties that must staunch the outflow of disillusioned voters to fresh alternatives, new parties must figure out how to hold on to those new voters in the face of even newer alternatives, and society as a whole must find a way to pursue long-term policies in a political environment where the roster of political actors is constantly changing. The book underlines the importance of agency and choice in explaining the fate of parties, highlights the salience of the clean versus corrupt dimension of politics, charts the flow of voters in the new party subsystem and emphasizes the dimension of time and its role in shaping developments. The book concludes by reflecting on how the emergence of so many short-lived new parties may affect the health and quality of democracy, and what could and should be done.

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Deegan-Krause ◽  
Tim Haughton

This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS Political parties in Central and Eastern Europe come and go quite rapidly, giving the region a reputation for electoral chaos, but amid the change, some parties survive for many electoral cycles. A brief examination of the party systems in the region shows a high rate of party collapse but also indicates the robustness of certain parties in the face of crisis. Closer comparisons of the collapsed and surviving parties indicates a significant role for three factors: organization on the ground, a clear position on an enduring issue dimension, and ability to change party leadership. The finding is particularly important for explaining the dynamics of Central and East European party systems because the same characteristics that contribute to longevity are found in lower levels among new parties in the region. Only a small subset of new parties have made choices that would contribute to long-term survival, and such cases are largely confined to those with strong ties to previous long-surviving parties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mindaugas Jurkynas

AbstractThe article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. The protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice’s internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Inna Fauzi ◽  
Yassirlana Anjani

<p><em>This study aims to examine the policy of Islamic banking law in maintaining its existence in the face of the plague that is hitting Indonesia. OJK (Financial Services Authority) has also made a number of policies that are used as an effort to save the economy in Indonesia. One of the regulations is stated in POJK  Number 18 / POJK.03 / 2020 concerning "Written Orders for Handling Bank Problems". The legal policy used by Islamic banking is to measure the new OJK regulations as the organizer of an integrated regulatory and supervisory system of all activities in the financial services sector. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. related to the world of banking. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. The object of this research is Islamic banking which has more religious wisdom. The results of this study indicate that Islamic banking is making service updates, considering that the transition of the banking world to digital can increase the efficiency of work processes and improve the quality of customer service, by digitizing during the pandemic. The bank has made long-term investments and it is projected that digital services will be one of the main drivers of sustainable banking industry growth in the context of fulfilling POJK Number 18 / POJK.03 / 2020.</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Geissel

Despite the world-wide triumph of democracy, the quest for an optimal politike has not yet reached the “end of history.” It turns out that representative democracies do not necessarily satisfy citizenries. These malaises are regarded as causes for concern and political actors increasingly pin their hopes on participatory innovations as re-legitimizing responses. But do they work? Germany is an especially interesting case for empirical research. Analysis of the variety of participatory innovations utilized at the local level in Germany—often varying considerably among the different Bundesländer—provides preliminary insights. The German case shows overall that participatory innovations have the potential to cure some of the current malaises of representative democracy. Participatory innovations, however, are certainly no fast-track cure. The useful implementation of participatory innovations requires comprehensive consideration, caution, and, (up to now limited) knowledge about possibilities and pitfalls.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H. Riker ◽  
William James Zavoina

A fundamental controversy in political theory from ancient times until the present concerns the rationality of political actors, what it is, if it exists at all, and whether or not humans display it in politics. Many political scientists are impatient with this controversy because it remains open after so much (apparently futile) discussion. But they ought not be. The problem of rationality is necessarily imbedded in even the simplest kinds of political research, where, if overlooked, it can occasion misinterpretation and even outright error.Suppose, for example, in an investigation of legislators one uses the notion of party loyalty as an independent variable to explain behavior. This notion seems simple and straightforward enough and not, therefore, likely to involve one in philosophical controversy. But in fact party loyalty can be interpreted in a variety of ways and the choice among them necessarily involves a choice on one side of the controversy over rationality. Loyalty can be thought of, for example, as a truly independent variable, as a product of political socialization, as an expression of affect, and hence as an essentially irrational motive. On the other hand, it may be thought of as itself dependent on bargains rationally satisfying the preferences of legislators. Such bargains may be either short term or long term so that a legislator's manifest party loyalty may result from a series of advantageous bargains with party leaders on particular bills or from an implied bargain with them on career advantage.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa ◽  
José Rama

Polarization is not new in Europe. Looking at electoral support for radical political forces after the Second World War, one can observe how polarization has been on the rise since the 1960s. Still, it is in the 1990s, with the thaw of European party systems and the subsequent emergence of (populist) radical parties, that the percentage of votes for anti-political establishment parties reached unprecedented levels. In this article, we not only show the general (country-level) picture but also highlight both the consequences and causes of polarization, proposing at the same time some potential remedies to combat it. Using an aggregate, longitudinal unique dataset, containing 47 European countries across more than 170 years from 1848 to 2020 (Casal Bértoa, 2021; Casal Bértoa and Enyedi, 2021), we try to shed light here on the perils of polarization for the quality of democracy, how traditional political parties are to be blamed, and how we can tackle the problem.


2020 ◽  
pp. 237-258
Author(s):  
Tim Haughton ◽  
Kevin Deegan-Krause

New party emergence poses major questions for the quality of democracy. New parties can help remove incompetent and corrupt politicians from power, re-engage citizens, represent neglected interests and issues, respond to changes in society, and provoke established parties to perform better. But new party emergence can also bring into public office inexperienced individuals offering easy and unworkable solutions to society’s woes. When they fail to deliver, they can further undermine trust in democracy, and fuel cynicism and disillusionment in politics more broadly. New parties may be responsive, but they are less likely to be responsible. Moreover, new parties tend to focus on the present, with a series of shorter-term goals. With their longer-term time horizons, well-developed and institutionalized parties are much more likely to help foster environments conducive to the innovation and technological progress integral to long-run economic development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Dov H. Levin

Ever since the exposure of the Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. elections for the Donald Trump campaign, there has been much discussion of its causes mixed with deep concerns about the possibility of future meddling of this kind by Russia. There has been far less discussion, however, about the wider phenomena this particular intervention is just one recent example of. This chapter provides an overview of what scholars have found so far about partisan electoral interventions. It first describes the main methods through which foreign powers are known to have tried to intervene in elections in other countries in order to determine their results, as well as the long history of such efforts, going back to the very start of competitive national-level executive elections. The chapter then briefly summarizes the current academic research on the effects of such interference on the target, from its immediate effects on the intervened election results to their medium- and long-term post-election effects on the targets welfare (such as the quality of its democracy). Both parts illustrate that concerns about such foreign interference are indeed quite justified—it is a common, multifaceted phenomenon that can, in many cases, cause serious harm to its unfortunate targets.​


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Maciej Skrzypek ◽  

The COVID-19 pandemic occurred in Poland during the campaign before the presidential election scheduled for May 10. This non-military threat changed the election campaign’s dynamics, leading to an unprecedented failure to hold elections and postponing them. Around the changes in the election procedure, many constitutionalists and political scientists voiced their inconsistency with the law and the provisions of the Constitutional Tribunal. Both the proposed provisions and the manner of their organization raised objections. The article classifies these changes as manifestations of democratic backsliding, weakening democratic institutions and leading to a decline in the quality of democracy. The research goal is to analyze the records in the selected source material and relate them to the selected theoretical category (democratic backsliding). In the course of the research, the following hypothesis is verified: in the face of the COVID-19 epidemic in Poland, attempts by the ruling elite to change the provisions related to organizing the presidential elections scheduled for May 10 are an example of democratic backsliding, which, by weakening democratic institutions, has threatened the constitutional provisions and the essence of the democratic system.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (14) ◽  
pp. 1973-1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Butler ◽  
Elin Naurin ◽  
Patrik Öhberg

Politicians’ dual responsibilities to respect their party and also be responsive to their constituents is surprisingly lacking in studies of representation. How do politicians—especially those who function in strong-party systems—individually respond to their constituents’ preferences? We make use of an original, large-scale survey of politicians and the recent success of the Sweden Democrats in the elections in Sweden to show that important adaptation takes place within the party structure. Individual politicians are responsive to signals about voters’ preferences, and they act on these signals by internally lobbying their party leaders to change the party’s positions in the direction of their constituents’ preferences. These results provide a rationale for why niche parties invest in elections even if they are unlikely to enter government: Their electoral successes can cause change in other parties. The results also add a new angle to the discussion of how anti-immigration parties affect mainstream parties, a hotly debated issue in many advanced democracies.


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