Afterword. Islands and the British Empire

Author(s):  
H. V. Bowen

This concluding chapter draws together, and reflects upon, the themes and strands that have emerged in the volume as a whole. In addition, however, it examines the relationship between islands and empire during a time of unprecedented change in maritime transport, as new steam technology began to free ships, navies, and trading companies from the constraints hitherto imposed upon them by winds and tides. It looks at the ways in which the nodal points of Britain’s overseas network of islands changed as voyage patterns altered, and it considers the effect that this had upon the distribution of imperial outposts and possessions. The chapter concludes with a brief consideration of how the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869—perhaps the most widely heralded symbol of the transition from the age of sail to the age of steam—affected longstanding relationships between islands and far-flung imperial possessions.

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-354
Author(s):  
Zach Bates

Due to its status as a territory under the joint rule of Egypt and Britain, the Sudan occupied an awkward place in the British Empire. Because of this, it has not received much attention from scholars. In theory, it was not a colony, but, in practice, the Sudan was ruled primarily by British administrators and was the site of several developmental schemes, most of which concerned cotton-growing and harnessing the waters of the Nile. It was also the site of popular literature, travelogues and the most well-known of Alexander Korda's empire films. This article focuses on five British films –  Cotton Growing in the Sudan (c.1925), Stark Nature (1930), Stampede (1930), The Four Feathers (1939) and They Planted a Stone (1953) – that take the Sudan as their subject. It argues that each of these films shows an evolving and related discourse of the region that embraced several motifs: cooperation as the foundation of the relationship between the Sudanese and the British; Sudanese peoples in conflict with a sometimes hostile landscape and environment that the British could ‘tame’; and the British being in the Sudan in order to improve it and its people before leaving them to self-government. However, some of the films, especially The Four Feathers, subtly questioned and subverted the British presence in the Sudan and engaged with a number of the political questions not overtly mentioned in documentaries. The article, therefore, argues for a nuanced and complex picture of representations of the Sudan in British film from 1925 to 1953.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 226
Author(s):  
Arik Dwijayanto ◽  
Yusmicha Ulya Afif

<p><em>This article explores the concept of a religious state proposed by two Muslim leaders: Hasyim Asyari (1871-1947), an Indonesian Muslim leader and Muhammad Iqbal (1873-1938), an Indian Muslim leader. Both of them represented the early generation when the emerging revolution for the independence of Indonesia (1945) from the Dutch colonialism and India-Pakistan (1947) from the British Imperialism. In doing so, they argued that the religious state is compatible with the plural nation that has diverse cultures, faiths, and ethnicities. They also argued that Islam as religion should involve the establishment of a nation-state. But under certain circumstances, they changed their thinking. Hasyim changed his thought that Islam in Indonesia should not be dominated by a single religion and state ideology. Hasyim regarded religiosity in Indonesia as vital in nation-building within a multi-religious society. While Iqbal changed from Indian loyalist to Islamist loyalist after he studied and lived in the West. The desire of Iqbal to establish the own state for the Indian Muslims separated from Hindus was first promulgated in 1930 when he was a President of the Muslim League. Iqbal expressed the hope of seeing Punjab, the North West province, Sind and Balukhistan being one in a single state, having self-government outside the British empire. In particular, the two Muslim leaders used religious legitimacy to establish political identity. By using historical approach (intellectual history), the relationship between religion, state, and nationalism based on the thinking of the two Muslim leaders can be concluded that Hasyim Asyari more prioritizes Islam as the ethical value to build state ideology and nationalism otherwise Muhammad Iqbal tends to make Islam as the main principle in establishment of state ideology and nationalism.</em></p><em>Keywords: Hasyim Asyari, Muhammad Iqbal, religion, state, nationalism.</em>


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-155
Author(s):  
Courtney Grafton

The judicial restraint limb of the foreign act of state doctrine is presented as a time-worn doctrine dating back to the seventeenth century. Its legitimacy is indelibly wedded to its historical roots. This article demonstrates that this view is misguided. It shows that the cases which are said to form the foundation of the judicial restraint limb primarily concern the Crown in the context of the British Empire and are of dubious legal reasoning, resulting in a concept trammelled by the irrelevant and the obfuscating. It has also unnecessarily complicated important questions relating to the relationship between English law and public international law. This article suggests that the judicial restraint limb of the foreign act of state doctrine ought to be understood on the basis of the principle of the sovereign equality of states and conceptualised accordingly.


1959 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 351-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Knaplund

Early in his political life the famous British statesman, W. E. Gladstone, had close contact with colonial problems. His maiden speech in the House of Commons, June 3, 1833, was a defense of his father against charges that slaves were mistreated on the Gladstone plantations in Demerara; his first government post was that of Parliamentary Undersecretary of State for the Colonies; before the end of the 1830's he had served on many committees which studied questions relating to the colonies; and in 1846 he was Secretary of State for War and the Colonies. In 1835 and again in 1849 he drafted pamphlets on the British colonial empire; by mid-nineteenth century he was a leading advocate of colonial self-government; and his speech “Our Colonies” at Chester, November 12, 1855 (published as a pamphlet), was a clear statement of his creed that “ freedom and voluntaryism ” should govern the relationship between Britain and the overseas portions of the British Empire. While in later years noncolonial issues received most of his attention, he never abandoned his faith in freedom as the basic remedy for intra-imperial problems. In the closing years of his political career he fought magnificently but vainly to apply that principle of freedom (which had stilled colonial discontent) to the age-old Irish question.


2003 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Alex Bremner

This article explores the relationship between architecture and imperial idealism in late Victorian Britain. It traces the development of the Imperial Institute in the South Kensington section of London from conception to completion, considering the proposals that surrounded the scheme in relation to the sociopolitical context within which it emerged. Sources such as letters, guidebooks, newspapers, journal articles, official publications, and government documents are drawn upon; from them an interpretation of the building is offered that moves beyond issues concerning style and patronage to broader cultural implications. The institute evolved as a consequence of the changing circumstances then affecting British foreign and imperial affairs, and commonly held beliefs relating to empire were reflected in the building's architecture. Analysis of the leading ideas that shaped the scheme formally and spatially reveals that the edifice was intended to stand literally as an emblem of the apparent strength and unity of the British empire. The importance of the institute as an architectural idea, therefore, lies not only in its attempt to give symbolic form to a concept of empire that was at the heart of late Victorian concerns, but also in the way it sought to mark and distinguish London as the center and capital of that empire.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
WILMA PERES COSTA

O artigo propõe-se a estudar alguns pontos nodais da chamada ”Era dos Congressos” (1815-1822) para pensar o modo como se reconfiguraram, naquele perá­odo, as relações entre o Velho e o Novo Mundo. Especial atenção é dada á  peculiaridade vivida pela América Portuguesa, em razão da presença da Corte no Rio de Janeiro, o que possibilitava alternativas polá­ticas distintas da América Espanhola. No que se refere ao Congresso de Verona, atribuá­mos especial atenção á s negociações referentes ao tráfico negreiro e á  consolidação da monarquia constitucional.Palavras-chave: Congresso de Viena. Congresso de Verona. Chateaubriand. Escravidão. Independência. Monarquia Constitucional.  BETWEEN VIENNA AND VERONA: one strategy for two worlds (1815-1822) Abstract: The article proposes to study some nodal points of the so called "Age of Congress (1815-1822) to think how is reconfigured, in that period, the relationship between the Old and the New World. Special attention is given to the peculiarity experienced by Portuguese America, due to the Court's presence in Rio de Janeiro, which enabled different policy alternatives from those in Spanish America. With regard to the Congress of Verona, we assign special attention to negotiations regarding slave trade and the strengthening of constitutional monarchy. Keywords: Congress of Vienna. Congress of Verona. Chateaubriand. Slavery. Independence. Constitutional Monarchy.  ENTRE VIENA Y VERONA: una estrategia para los dos mundos (1815-1822)Resumen: El artá­culo propone estudiar algunos puntos de la " Era de los Congresos" (1815-1822) para analisar cómo se   reconfiguraron en ese perá­odo, las relaciones entre el Antiguo y el Nuevo Mundo. Se presta especial atención a la peculiaridad   experimentada por América portuguesa, a causa de la presencia de la Corte, en Rá­o de Janeiro, lo que permitió alternativas polá­ticas distintas   de las que experimentadas por América española. A lo que se refiere al Congreso de Verona,   atribuimos especial atención a las negociaciones referentes al comercio de esclavos y la consolidación de la monarquá­a constitucional. Palabras clave: Congreso de Viena. Congreso de Verona. Esclavitud. Independencia. Monarquá­a constitucional.  


2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 699-725 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOBIAS BECKER

ABSTRACTThis article argues that theatre in colonial India – both in the form of touring companies and amateur dramatics – offered much more than mere entertainment: first, it was an important social space where the British diaspora constituted itself as a community. Secondly, it served as a lifeline to the home country. By watching theatrical performances either brought to them straight from London or which they performed themselves, colonial Britons felt in touch with their homeland. Finally, theatre not only allowed colonial audiences to participate in the metropolitan culture; it inadvertently helped to unify the British empire. Whether living in London, the provinces, or a colonial city, all British subjects consumed the same popular culture, forming in effect one big taste community. Theatre, therefore, lends itself to a discussion of central issues of imperial history, as, for example, the relationship between the metropolitan centre and the imperial periphery, the colonial public sphere, social and racial hierarchies, the perception of the ‘Other’, and processes of cross-cultural exchange and appropriation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Hicks

Despite modern perceptions of science as an apolitical, irreligious, democratizing force, science has historically been a tool used by individuals and organizations for their own purposes. In the case of late European empires, science and scientific “progress” were valuable tools for agendas of Christianization and civilization. Moreover, scientists and scientific methods could be used to further the types of work needed to grow empire – such as a map-making and exploration. However, the relationship between science and empire was not limited to imperial domination. Scientists and scientific bodies could also use the tools of empire to further their scientific work. The Royal Astronomical Society is an excellent example of the “use” of empire – most of its funding came from imperial pundits looking to entrench British superiority. Among the various scientific disciplines practiced in the nineteenth century, astronomy played an interesting role in entrenching the relationship between science and empire – particularly as it was practiced on the fringes of the British empire. Growing empires necessitated the creation and proliferation of new technologies that in turn made practicing science in recently acquired colonies much easier. The interconnected web of new technologies, scientists, and imperial structures of power and politics combined with scientific desires, colonial ideals, race relations, and imperial economies of trade and knowledge to produce an incredibly complicated vision of science. Astronomy, in its looking to the heavens, reflected back upon earthly issues to ultimately reveal the tangled ideologies that permeated British imperial science at this time. This story of British imperial astronomy is meant to complicate modern notions of what science is and has been.


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