Armenian Diaspora Mobilization for Nagorno-Karabakh and Genocide Recognition

Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the previous Chapter 8 are interconnected as they both discuss Armenian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter unravels the typological theory through five causal pathways. Mobilizations took place most often when host-state foreign policies diverged from the diaspora goals for Karabakh’s statehood, and Armenian genocide recognition. The most contentious pathway is associated with the response to violent critical events in the homeland, most notably the 1988 Sumgait pogrom and Karabakh war in the 1990s. Dual-pronged contention occurred when Armenia’s government clashed with the diaspora on issues of genocide recognition throughout the 1990s. Although the conflict diminished thereafter, the Armenian government has been reluctant to turn to the diaspora for political support in Europe, but it seeks it primarily for economic, social, and development projects. Dual-pronged contention also occurred when transnationalized parties mobilized for genocide recognition. For Dashnaks this has been the most important homeland-oriented goal. Other diaspora entrepreneurs lobbied and protested as well, even if they also mobilized on different social, cultural, and educational projects. Largely non-contentious activities followed political parties in France, leader of European efforts for genocide recognition, as well as when diaspora entrepreneurs acted on limited global influences, building business platforms, or engaging in medical, social, and economic support for Armenia and Karabakh.

Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the previous Chapter 4 are interconnected as they both discuss Albanian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter unpacks the typological theory through seven causal pathways in the Kosovo Albanian transnational social field. Three of these are associated with the secessionist period of the 1990s, when the foreign policies of host-states diverged from the diaspora goal of Kosovo independence. A relatively rare non-contentious pathway occurred when diaspora entrepreneurs acted autonomously under limited global influences. A more common dual-pronged approach pathway was visible when diaspora entrepreneurs were exposed to two non-state actors, the non-violent Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and the radical Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). In a contentious pathway, almost everyone in the diaspora was engulfed in response to the 1998–9 warfare. Four causal pathways occurred when host-land foreign policies were more open to endorse Kosovo’s statehood. Dual-pronged mobilization was visible under the influences of mob violence in Kosovo in 2004. The rest of the pathways were non-contentious. Acting autonomously, diaspora entrepreneurs developed political and cultural projects aimed to raise Kosovo’s status abroad. Under the homeland government’s influence diaspora entrepreneurs pursued public diplomacy, celebrity and football diplomacy, the building of cultural centres, education exchanges, and curriculum for the diaspora. When exposed to homeland parties, diaspora entrepreneurs followed political party dynamics, whether supporting or challenging them.


Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

Chapter 3 is the second theoretical chapter focusing on the individual-level perspective on diaspora mobilizations and the two-level typological theory. How do the four types of diaspora entrepreneurs—Broker, Local, Distant, and Reserved—interact with exogenous factors? How do these interactions lead to different modes of contention and channelling of interest through host-states, transnational networks, and supranational organizations? The two-level typological theory is unpacked through each of its constitutive elements: (1) diaspora entrepreneurs, (2) exogenous factors affecting them, and (3) contentiousness and channelling of their mobilizations, through their conjunctural variations. The chapter first conceptualizes diaspora entrepreneurs’ socio-spatial linkages and the typology developed through novel relational coding. Building on earlier work in International Relations, the Politically Relevant Environment (PRE) is discussed next. It is useful to theoretically narrow down the numerous factors affecting diaspora entrepreneurs in a particular context, namely when they are socio-spatially contiguous and affecting existing grievances related to conflict-generated identities of diaspora entrepreneurs. The chapter further theorizes about causal mechanisms and the nine causal pathways emerging through interactions between diaspora entrepreneurs and PRE factors such as host-land foreign policies, homeland governments, parties, non-state actors, critical events, and limited global influences. Four non-contentious pathways, four characterized by a dual-pronged approach, and one more contentious are presented.


Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

Why do conflict-generated diasporas mobilize in contentious and non-contentious ways or use mixed strategies of contention? Why do they channel their homeland-oriented goals through host-states, transnational networks, and international organizations? This book develops a theory of socio-spatial positionality and its implications for the individual agency of diaspora entrepreneurs, moving beyond essentialized notions of diasporas as groups. Individual diaspora entrepreneurs operate in transnational social fields affecting their mobilizations beyond dynamics confined to host-states and original home-states. There are four types of diaspora entrepreneurs—Broker, Local, Distant, and Reserved—depending on the relative strength of their socio-spatial linkages to host-land, on the one hand, and original homeland and other global locations, on the other. A two-level typological theory captures nine causal pathways, unravelling how the socio-spatial linkages of these diaspora entrepreneurs interact with external factors: host-land foreign policies, homeland governments, parties, non-state actors, and critical events or limited global influences. Such pathways produce mobilization trajectories with varying levels of contention and methods of channelling homeland-oriented goals. Non-contentious pathways often occur when host-state foreign policies are convergent with the diaspora entrepreneurs’ goals, and when diaspora entrepreneurs can act autonomously. Dual-pronged contention pathways occur quite often, under the influence of homeland governments, non-state actors, and political parties. The most contentious pathway occurs in response to violent critical events in the homeland or adjacent to it fragile states. This book is informed by 300 interviews and a dataset of 146 interviews with diaspora entrepreneurs among the Albanian, Armenian, and Palestinian diasporas in the UK, Germany, France, Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, as well as Kosovo and Armenia in the European neighbourhood.


Author(s):  
Zaad Mahmood

This is one of key chapters of the book presenting the argument of partisan government. This chapter interrogates the subnational variation in labour reforms through partisan governments and suggests regional political economy as critical to shaping orientation of partisan governments. It critically analyses the existing party-based interpretation of reform and shows that it is the instrumental interest assuaging the interests of support base that explain government orientation to labour reform. Through a caste/class analysis of political parties, the chapter highlights that significant business support and socio-economically homogeneous dominant support base characterize states with greater market flexibility. In contrast, when the dominant support base of party is heterogeneous and wide, the pace of reform is significantly muted. Partisan configuration—the socio-economic support base of government—determines not only the orientation of policies but also the interrelation between government and various interest groups in society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Aris Setiawan

This research aims to determine the historical construction of criticism and propaganda formed in Kidungan Jula-juli performance in each era. Kidungan is a song in the Gending Jula-juli in East Java. The musical text presented in the song seems to be open (blak-blakan [openness]), assertive, and emotionally becomes the power of criticism. Historical issues concerning the function of Kidungan Jula-juli are interesting enough to be known, thus encouraging this study to get a basic and detailed understanding of the historical stages of the role of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the reformation era. This study using a historical approach and emphasizes the problem of music function. The analysis was carried out by looking at the ideas, concepts, and cultural references that accompanied the performance of Kidungan Jula-juli. The results of this study indicate the dynamics of the function of criticism and propaganda in Kidungan Jula-juli. During the Japanese occupation era, Kidungan Jula-juli was very sharp in its role as an instrument of the independence movement; from 1950 to 1965, Kidungan Jula-juli was used by political parties to strengthen political support and propaganda. In the New Order Era, kidungan lost the function of criticism.  The state controlled it for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power.  Kidungan Jula-juli is more open and present on a stage with other performing arts in the era of the reform order.


Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies.


Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the previous Chapter 6 are interconnected as they both discuss Albanian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter unpacks the typological theory through four causal pathways in the Palestinian field, one of them discussed twice as diaspora entrepreneurs were exposed to different non-state actors. All pathways occurred under host-state foreign policy divergence from the diaspora goals for Palestinian statehood, including refugees’ return. A non-contentious pathway exists but was rare when diaspora entrepreneurs acted under limited global influences. When lacking support from politicized homeland-based actors, diaspora entrepreneurs were less eager to launch contentious mobilizations on their own. Dual-pronged contentious mobilizations occurred: (a) when the homeland government was transnationally involved, under the PNA leadership, acting carefully while seeking to maintain international standing in difficult political circumstances; (b) when transnational left-wing movements were at play; many more diaspora entrepreneurs were on this pathway, seeking to counteract Israeli policies, quite often engaged in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign; and (c) when diaspora entrepreneurs related to transnational Islamic networks. Issues related to humanitarian charities and refugees’ right of return have been emphasized, even if they also have concerned others in the diaspora. The most contentious pathway occurred in response to critical violent events in the original homeland or adjacent fragile states, most notably due to the recurring warfare in Gaza since 2008. This pathway engulfed all four types of diaspora entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Maria Koinova

This chapter and the following Chapter 9 are interconnected as they both discuss Armenian diaspora mobilizations. This chapter focuses on the transnational social field and the four types of diaspora entrepreneurs. Armenians have lived in the Caucasus and the Middle East prior to the 1915 Armenian genocide, a defining moment historically and especially for the diaspora. Self-determination claims of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh have been interconnected historically, considered part of ‘Eastern Armenia’. They both seceded from the Soviet Union in 1991. An independent Armenia was internationally recognized as a state, unlike the de facto state of Karabakh, unrecognized at present. A devastating 1988 earthquake and a war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Karabakh (1992–4) created opportune moments for the diaspora in Western countries to connect to Armenia and Karabakh. The diaspora in Europe was primarily formed by survivors and descendants of the Armenian genocide, with roots in ‘Western Armenia’ in Turkey and the larger Middle East, and organized by diaspora parties. Fragility of statehood in Armenia and Karabakh, and recurrent violence and authoritarianism in the Middle East continued to create push factors for Armenians to emigrate across the globe and for the diaspora to mobilize. The highest priority in the diaspora, especially in Europe, remained the recognition of the Armenian genocide, while Karabakh’s recognition and supporting Armenia took a back seat. The chapter presents data on migration in the Armenian field, in the Caucasus, the Middle East and globally, and specifies the individual profiles of Armenian diaspora entrepreneurs.


Author(s):  
Jan Christoph Bublitz

Whether there are intrinsic differences between different means to intervene into brains and minds is a key question of neuroethics, which any future legal regulation of mind-interventions has to face. This chapter affirms such differences by a twofold argument:. First, it present differences between direct (biological, physiological) and indirect (psychological) interventions that are not based on crude mind–brain dualisms or dubious properties such as naturalness of interventions. Second, it shows why these differences (should) matter for the law. In a nutshell, this chapter suggests that indirect interventions should be understood as stimuli that persons perceive through their external senses whereas direct interventions reach brains and minds on different, nonperceptual routes. Interventions primarily differ in virtue of their causal pathways. Because of them, persons have different kinds and amounts of control over interventions; direct interventions regularly bypass resistance and control of recipients. Direct interventions also differ from indirect ones because they misappropriate mechanisms of the brain. These differences bear normative relevance in light of the right to mental self-determination, which should be the guiding normative principle with respect to mind-interventions. As a consequence, the law should adopt by and large a normative—not ontological—dualism between interventions into other minds: nonconsensual direct interventions into other minds should be prohibited by law, with few exceptions. By contrast, indirect interventions should be prima facie permissible, primarily those that qualify as exercises of free speech. The chapter also addresses a range of recent objections, especially by Levy (in the previous chapter).


Author(s):  
Hasok Chang

This chapter presents a commentary on the move from the descriptive to the etiological perspective in psychiatry, as discussed in the previous chapter. It also raises additional considerations, including the notion of the “cause” of non-existent things, epistemic iteration and evolving meaning, and description and latent class analysis (LCA).


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