“Lawless Tyranny” and “Destructive Accommodation”

Author(s):  
David R. Como

This chapter explains how the outbreak of the civil war led to serious divisions within parliament’s camp. These divisions, over the nature of the war, the character and function of the king, and the propriety of negotiation and compromise with the royalists, reflected and further intensified shifts in the nature of political ideology. These emergent ideological shifts, first articulated in the petitions and pressure campaigns of hard-line supporters in the city, were bolstered by the publication of tracts and pamphlets, which revealed the increasingly radical tenor of the political thought gestating among pro-parliamentary militants. Examination of those tracts shows that, by early 1643, some parliamentarians were coming to reject Westminster’s official line on the war effort, along with fundamental features of the “ancient constitution” as it had been understood before 1642.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Aisyiah Rasyid ◽  
Supriadi Supriadi ◽  
Siti Aisa

Abstrack. As one of the scholars of the hadramain who played an important role in the development of islamic education in the eastern region of Indonesia, It is important to understand how the thinking and role of sayyid, the iraniacal bin salim aljufri, especially in the tower of the thousand churches, the city of manado. When Indonesia is beset by two themes of political persecution, fierce debate over islamic relations and countries between "secular" and religious nationalists, and the struggle between the hadrami of loyalty and integrity against the land between Indonesia or hadramaut. As one of the scholars of hadrami in the eastern region of Indonesia (kti), the old teacher did not get caught up in the political ideology of the political ideology, focusing on the movement: education, the preaching work, and the social empowerment, to the establishing of an alkhairaat islamic college in 1930. In 1934, the old master sent one of his disciples, muhammad qasim maragau for the preaching of the manado. In 1947 the official alkhairaat opened a branch in the town of manado, north sulawesi, to the rest of the istiqlal (Arab village), the following year in 1960 became a boarding school. From 1960 to 1996 the number of islamic islamic educational institutions of alkhairaate in sulut including manado steadily rises up to 167 branches, 2 of which is a boarding school located in the city of manado.Keywords:Guru Tua, Alkhairaat,Thought, role, Manado Abstrak. Sebagai salah satu ulama hadramain yang berperan penting terhadap perkembangan pendidikan Islam di Kawasan Timur Indonesia, penting kiranya untuk memahami bagaimana pemikiran dan peran Sayyid Idrus bin Salim Aljufri khususnya di wilayah Menara Seribu Gereja, Kota Manado. Ketika Indonesia dilanda oleh dua tema diskursus politik yang terjadi, yaitu perdebatan sengit tentang hubungan Islam dan negara antara kaum nasionalis “sekuler” dan nasionalis religious, dan pergumulan di kalangan Hadrami tentang loyalitas dan integritas terhadap tanah air antara Indonesia atau Hadramaut. Sebagai salah ulama Hadrami di wilayah Kawasan Timur Indonesia (KTI), Guru Tua tidak terjebak pada perdebatan ideologi politik tersebut, justru memfokuskan diri pada gerakan: pendidikan, dakwah, dan pemberdayaan sosial, hingga mendirikan sebuah perguruan Islam Alkhairaat pada tahun 1930. Pada tahun 1934, Guru Tua kemudian mengutus salah seorang muridnya, Muhammad Qasim Maragau untuk berdakwah ke Manado.Pada tahun 1947, Alkhairaat resmi membuka cabang di Kota Manado, Sulawesi Utara, tepatnya di Kelurahan Istiqlal (kampung Arab), yang selanjutnya pada tahun 1960 berkembang menjadi sebuah pondok pesantren. Sejak tahun 1960 hingga 1996 jumlah lembaga pendidikan Islam Alkhairaat di Sulut termasuk Manado terus meningkat hingga menjadi 167 cabang, 2 diantaranya adalah pondok pesantren yang berlokasi di kota Manado.Kata kunci: Guru Tua, Alkhairaat, Pemikiran, Peran, Manado.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Leonardo Capezzone

Abstract The history of Khaldunian readings in the twentieth century reveals an analytical capacity of non-Orientalists definitely greater than that demonstrated by the Orientalists. The latter, at least until the 1950s, prove to be prisoners of that syndrome denounced by Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which projected on Islamic historical development a specificity and an alterity, which make it an exception in world history. Orientalist scholarship has often wanted to see in Ibn Khaldūn’s critical attitude to the philosophy of al-Fārābī and Averroes only the confirmation of the primacy of the sharīʿa over Platonic nomos. This article seeks to highlight some aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s critique of classical political thought of Islamic philosophy. His critique focuses on the importance given to the juridical dimension of social becoming, and to the role of the political body of the jurists in the making of the City. Those aspects witness Ibn Khaldūn’s effort to interpret change and fractures as factors which make sense of history and decadence.


1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. James Gregor ◽  
Maria Hsia Chang

An effective political ideology is invariably the result of the intersection of a number of discrete influences. In the first instance, a political leader is almost always possessed of some set of philosophic and political convictions that he has, for one reason or another, made his own. The ideas of the Epicureans and of John Locke regularly surface in the political thought of Thomas Jefferson, and elements of the thought of Karl Marx, G. W. F. Hegel and N. G. Chernyshevski are mixed inextricably in the political ideology of V. I. Lenin. As much might be said of almost every political leader who makes any pretense at ideological sophistication.


Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett

This introductory chapter provides a background of the conflicted relationship between nature and the city—the fraught intersection of the political and the natural world—in the natural law discourse of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In the course of this extraordinary century, marked by the outward expansion of European states across the globe and simultaneously by their internal implosion into civil war, the boundaries of political space were fundamentally contested not only at a practical but at a theoretical level, and the dominant idiom of that contestation was the universalizing juridical language of natural law. What was forged in the process, culminating iconically in the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and Thomas Hobbes' masterpiece Leviathan of 1651, is commonly taken to have been nothing other than the modern, territorial nation-state.


1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. Sommerville

English political thought in the early seventeenth century is often regarded in terms of the disagreements between the king and his parliaments, and of debates amongst lawyers on the nature and contents of the ancient constitution. But a large proportion of the political writings of early seventeenth-century English theorists was directed against the views of Catholic authors. Sir Robert Filmer devoted much of his Patriarcha to refuting the theories of those two great pillars of counter-reformation Catholicism, Bellarmine and Suarez. Suarez's Defensio fidei was burned at Paul's Cross on 21 November 1613. James I believed that by ‘setting up the People above their naturall King’ the political thinking of the Jesuits laid ‘ an excellent ground in Divinitie for all rebels and rebellious people’. One aim of this paper is to suggest that many of the most characteristic ideas on politics of English writers in the early seventeenth century can best be understood in the context of their polemical aim: the refutation of the seditious doctrines of the Papists. This is particularly true of patriarchalism, a subject on which Filmer was no innovator.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-666
Author(s):  
Dillon Stone Tatum

Discussions of liberalism as a political ideology often focus on the progressive, civilisational, and triumphalist ideologies of liberal thinkers. Scholarly work on liberal empire situates these issues in the context of colonialism, and contemporary discussions of liberal world order devote much intellectual space to optimism about liberalism. Scholars have spent much less time connecting liberalism to deep cynicism and suspicion. This article, in focusing on what I term a ‘pessimistic liberalism’, fills this gap by examining the ways that the spectre of totalitarianism influenced post-war liberal thought. The mid-20th century was a pivotal moment where both liberalism and its critics proceeded to make arguments about politics that began from similar attitudes about the nature of the political: suspicion, cynicism, resignation, and fear. Specifically, the article analyses historian Jacob Talmon’s genealogy of modern leftist thought to illustrate the shift in liberal thinking from its 19th century optimism to its 20th century pessimism and scepticism. Talmon’s engagement with the issues of political messianism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism represented a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ ( pace Paul Ricoeur) that critiqued the triumphalism of previous political projects. The article concludes by connecting this project to the broader development of ‘contemporary political thought’ and reflects on pessimism’s place in politics.


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