The City and the Law. Aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s Critique of the Philosophers

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Leonardo Capezzone

Abstract The history of Khaldunian readings in the twentieth century reveals an analytical capacity of non-Orientalists definitely greater than that demonstrated by the Orientalists. The latter, at least until the 1950s, prove to be prisoners of that syndrome denounced by Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which projected on Islamic historical development a specificity and an alterity, which make it an exception in world history. Orientalist scholarship has often wanted to see in Ibn Khaldūn’s critical attitude to the philosophy of al-Fārābī and Averroes only the confirmation of the primacy of the sharīʿa over Platonic nomos. This article seeks to highlight some aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s critique of classical political thought of Islamic philosophy. His critique focuses on the importance given to the juridical dimension of social becoming, and to the role of the political body of the jurists in the making of the City. Those aspects witness Ibn Khaldūn’s effort to interpret change and fractures as factors which make sense of history and decadence.

2021 ◽  

Historians of political thought and international lawyers have both expanded their interest in the formation of the present global order. History, Politics, Law is the first express encounter between the two disciplines, juxtaposing their perspectives on questions of method and substance. The essays throw light on their approaches to the role of politics and the political in the history of the world beyond the single polity. They discuss the contrast between practice and theory as well as the role of conceptual and contextual analyses in both fields. Specific themes raised for both disciplines include statehood, empires and the role of international institutions, as well as the roles of economics, innovation and gender. The result is a vibrant cross-section of contrasts and parallels between the methods and practices of the two disciplines, demonstrating the many ways in which both can learn from each other.


Author(s):  
John Obert Voll

This article describes the role of the Middle East in world history. The Middle East is both a strategic concept and a geo-cultural region. As a concept and a specific label of identification, it is a product of analysts writing about twentieth-century world affairs. However, as a region, its peoples and cultures are associated with the history of humanity from ancient times. This regional name itself shapes a way of understanding the history of the broad region of Southwestern Asia and Northern Africa. Both of the terms in the name — ‘Middle’ and ‘East’ — identify the region in relationship to other world regions and reflect the importance of the region's involvement in broader global historical processes. Along with examining the history of the region, the discussion also notes how the concepts of the historical units involved in that history have changed in the presentations of the history of the Middle East.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10_3) ◽  
pp. 211-215
Author(s):  
Petr Iskenderov

The article focuses on the two key currents of political thought in Albania in the twentieth century - “Nolism” and “Zogism”. The author traces their influence on the modern history of Albania. Special attention is paid to the problems of Albanian nationalism.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (10) ◽  
pp. 504
Author(s):  
Mina Khanlarzadeh

In this paper, I offer a comparative analysis of the political thoughts of twentieth century Iranian revolutionary thinker and sociologist Ali Shari’ati (1933–1977) and German-Jewish philosopher Walter Benjamin (1892–1940). Despite their conspicuously independent historical-theoretical trajectories, both Shari’ati and Benjamin engaged with theology and Marxism to create theological–political conceptions of the revolution of the oppressed. Shari’ati re-interpreted and re-animated Shia history from the angle of contemporary concerns to theorize a revolution against all forms of domination. In comparison, Benjamin fused Marxism with Jewish theology in his call to seize the possibilities of past failed revolutions in the present. Both Shari’ati and Benjamin conceptualized an active messianism led by each generation, eliminating the wait for the return of a messiah. As a result, each present moment takes on a messianic potential; the present plays an essential role to both thinkers. Past was also essential to both, because theology (through remembrance) had made the past sufferings incomplete to them. Both thinkers viewed past sufferings as an integral part of present struggles for justice in the form of remembrance (or yād or zekr for Shari’ati, and Zekher for Benjamin). I explore the ways Shari’ati and Benjamin theorized the role of the past in the present, remembrance, and messianism to create a dialectical relation between theology and Marxism to reciprocally transform and compliment both of them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (574) ◽  
pp. 605-641
Author(s):  
Gary Love

Abstract This article offers the first analytical overview of the political thinking and organisational history of the Tory Reform Committee (TRC). It is also a contribution to wider scholarly debates about the making of a ‘New Conservatism’ in the 1940s and the development of Conservative thought in the twentieth century. The TRC’s leading members drew on the party’s Disraelian one-nation tradition to free them from adopting doctrinaire positions. They wanted to emphasise the merits of either state intervention, planning and social reform, or private enterprise, individualism and freedom, depending on the country’s economic and social position—and the party’s electoral position. Most Tory Reformers imposed limits on the malleability of their Conservatism by rejecting laissez-faire individualism, socialism, and the earliest signs of neoliberalism. Although the group was replaced by the Design for Freedom Movement, which adopted a similar political outlook on a non-party basis between 1947 and 1949, its broader significance relates to how its support for the principles of ‘design’ and ‘freedom’ influenced Conservative debates about economic and social policy at a pivotal moment in the party’s history. Continuities of thought suggest that we should be wary of interpretations which impose an ‘origins of neoliberalism’ or proto-Thatcherite framework on the 1940s. The TRC’s ‘New Conservatism’ was meant to be adaptable, practical and Keynesian. It was a pitch for the centre ground and it was integral to the political thought of Conservative governments between 1951 and 1974.


Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-459
Author(s):  
John Pollard

This article analyses the parallels between the role played by the Church, first during the Crisis of the Liberal State in the early twentieth century and then during the transition from the Christian Democratic regime to the ‘bi-polar’ Second Republic more than 70 years later. It explores both the particular, contingent forces at work in each, and the underlying explanations as to why the Church was able to successfully exploit these two processes of transition in the political history of Italy to its advantage. It concludes by arguing that the experience of these two crises demonstrates that the Church is not only a powerful force in Italian civil society but also effectively ‘a state within a state’ in relation to the functioning of Italy's political structures.


Author(s):  
Maysoon Mansour Obeidat

The purpose of the study is to analyze the political situation in Syria during the ALahed AL Fusaily by addressing of Al- Asma newspaper (1919-1920), in addition to Prince Faisal's role internally and externally during the Peace Conference in 1920, And the unity of the States of the Levant, to be the basis for the launch of a wider Arab unity, and the statement of conspiracy allies on the Arabs, especially France and its attempts to occupy Syria, and then efforts by the Syrian Arab state to prevent this, and also briefly discussed Prince Faisal talks and meetings and correspondence with the British government from Hand and To the governments and political and popular bodies in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine on the other hand, which revolves around ways to achieve the unity of the countries of the Levant, and then review the role of the Syrian press in the history of modern Arabs in general and Syrian history in particular, where appeared in the early twentieth century newspapers in Arabic, In the Arab nationalist thought, as a result of which was persecuted by the Ottoman Empire, and then the French mandate.  


2019 ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
A. Venher

The article deals with the organization and activity of the section of general history, which functioned in the 1920s in Dnipropetrovsk attached to the scientific and research department of Ukrainian studies. The role of M. Brechkevych in the organization of the section and formation of scientific directions is determined. This section studied the history of Western Slavs, Slavic laws, Slavic colonization of Southern Ukraine, international relations of Ukraine, and the theoretical problems of medieval and world history. Special literature was purchased, domestic and foreign historical journals were subscribed for the productive section activity. The issue of M. Brechkevych’s foreign business trip was raised more than once, but it was not resolved positively. A series of articles was published in Dnipropetrovsk and Kyiv scientific journals by M. Brechkevych on the basis of the work. In addition to the scientific research, the section staff had to deliver lectures to the workers and teachers of the city.


Author(s):  
Krzystof Małysa

Messianism is generally a belief in Messiah, who will come and change the relations inthe world. Messianism has taken many different forms, depending on the political andenvironmental conditions. Polish researcher, Andrzej Walicki, claimes that literature onthe issue has a tendency to use this term in a broad sense, including a conviction about thespecific role of the nation. From this viewpoint, the idea of Poland as “bulwark of Christianity”and then the nineteenth century beliefs in the mission of our nation should be considered asa kind of Messianism. Yet Walicki is a follower of a narrow definition, but many researchers,such as Jacob Talmon, use the term as a general descriptive concept. The term of Messianismis a simplification which makes the extension of the research possible and it enables to finda general plane of understanding this term. Polish romantic Messianism wasn’t a school, but rather a spontaneous expression after the treaty of third partition and then the collapse ofthe November Uprising. A growing popularity of messianism marked of the 20th century.Messianism claimed that the Polish nation should initiate the new organising of internationalrelations, propagating moral values in politics. Polish messianism was composed ofcatholicism, specifically polish myths, exacerbated nationalism. Now, messianic ideologymerges description and prescription according to a common sense of entrenched myths andspecific social demands.Key words: History of political thought, messianism, utopia


Author(s):  
Ludmila Ivonina

The article analyzes a career and a number of poetic works written by a Polish poet Jan Kunowski. The books are associated with Smolensk and the wars between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Moscow State in the first half of the XVIIth century. The example of Kunowski’s poems and life demonstrates the place of Smolensk both in the political thinking of the Polish nobility of the Early Modern Times and, in particular, of an individual person. In addition, the article demonstrates some methods used by the propaganda of the Early Modern Times; they are dedicated to the event under the study. The author agrees that the writings by Jan Kunowski about Smolensk are an expression of the mentality of the Polish nobleman lived the XVIIth century, who was confident in Providence protecting the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and convinced of the special mission of the Polish-Lithuanian State. In a certain way, the canticle to Smolensk was propaganda. In reality, Kunowski renewed the state and ethnic myth of Polish and partly Lithuanian political thought; he added a new element – Smolensk – to the thousand-year history of the state. Moreover, the article emphasizes that comprehension of Kunowski’s poems content from the only perspective of gentry’s mentality, propaganda and love for the city can be incomplete. The poet’s reflection of the reality was largely stimulated by material reasons, career aspirations, and religious confession.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document