The History of Medieval Nubia

2021 ◽  
pp. 757-771
Author(s):  
Giovanni R. Ruffini
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
The South ◽  
The Core ◽  
The North ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Medieval Nubia

The history of the medieval Nubian state begins as it ends, in a state of decentralization. The core of that state emerges through the unification of Nobadia in the north and Makuria in the center of the Nubian heartland, perhaps at some point in the 7th century. Makuria’s relationship with Alwa to the south is less clear, but some unification seems to have obtained there as well, in the 11th century. The Nubian state’s relationship with the wider world is variable. Nubia sometimes ignores or challenges its northern Islamic neighbors, and at other times defers to them or aggressively courts their diplomatic favor. Dotawo, the indigenous name for Nubia at least in later centuries, is still strong in the face of invasions in the 12th century, but shows signs of internal dynastic instability in later periods. Ongoing Egyptian interference in Nubian civil wars, coupled with increasing levels of Arab immigration to Nubia, destabilizes the Nubian state and returns it to its original fragmentation.

Legacies of Slavery in North-West Uganda: The Story of the ‘one-Elevens’

Africa ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Leopold
Keyword(s):  
Northern Uganda ◽  
East African ◽  
Southern Sudan ◽  
North West ◽  
The Core ◽  
The North ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article outlines the history of a people known as ‘Nubi’ or ‘Nubians’, northern Ugandan Muslims who were closely associated with Idi Amin's rule, and a group to which he himself belonged. They were supposed to be the descendants of former slave soldiers from southern Sudan, who in the late 1880s at the time of the Mahdi's Islamic uprising came into what is now Uganda under the command of a German officer named Emin Pasha. In reality, the identity became an elective one, open to Muslim males from the northern Uganda/southern Sudan borderlands, as well as descendants of the original soldiers. These soldiers, taken on by Frederick Lugard of the Imperial British East Africa Company, formed the core of the forces used to carve out much of Britain's East African Empire. From the days of Emin Pasha to those of Idi Amin, some Nubi men were identified by a marking of three vertical lines on the face – the ‘One-Elevens’. Although since Amin's overthrow many Muslims from the north of the country prefer to identify themselves as members of local Ugandan ethnic groups rather than as ‘Nubis’, aspects of Nubi identity live on among Ugandan rebel groups, as well as in cyberspace.

Public vs Private: The Four Categories of Open-Air Spaces at the Late Minoan IIIC Middle Settlement at Monastiraki–Halasmenos (­Ierapetra, Crete)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 128-145
Author(s):  
David W. Rupp
Keyword(s):  
The South ◽  
Eastern Side ◽  
The North ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Village ◽  
Steep Hill

On the eastern side of the Isthmus of Ierapetra (Crete), just to the north of the village of Monastiraki, and immediately to the south of the mouth of the Ha Gorge, is situated the Late Minoan IIIC (LM IIIC) settlement of Monastiraki – Halasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2011a, 323). It is one of six sites excavated in the northern part of the Isthmus (Figure 1) which were occupied at some point during the 12th century BC (Kavousi – Kastro, Kavousi – Vronda, Kavousi – Azoria, Monastiraki – Katalimata and Vasiliki – Kephala).1 The excavations of Halasmenos by Metaxia Tsipopoulou and the late William D.E. Coulson, beginning in 1992,2 have revealed an apparently short-lived occupation at a location on a steep hill that projects from the face of the adjacent, steep escarpment, the Lamia (Figure 2).

Islam in Yemen

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Martin Varisco
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Current State ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Abbasid Caliphate ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Yemenite Jews

Yemen plays a prominent role in the early history of Islam. The Christian Yemeni king Abraha is said to have attacked Mecca during the lifetime of Muhammad’s grandfather. The Sassanian governor of Yemen, Bathan, was an early convert to Islam. It is also said that ʿAli, Muhammad’s nephew, brought the message of Islam to Yemen. During the reign of the Ummayid caliph al-Muʿawiyya, Yemen was divided into two regions: the north, centered around the city of Sanʿa’, and the south, around the town of al-Janad. Yemen proved difficult to control under the Abbasid caliphate because of its remoteness and tribal character. In the mid-9th century, the local dynasty of the Yuʿfirids took control of the highlands. At the beginning of the 10th century, the Shiʿa leader Yahya ibn al-Husayn established the Zaydi imamate in the northern highlands of Yemen; this lasted until the Republican revolution of 1962. In the southern highlands, along the Red Sea coast and along the Gulf of Aden, local dynasties evolved, which were often subjected to foreign invasions. The Ayyubids invaded Yemen from Egypt at the end of the 12th century, followed by the Rasulid dynasty until the middle of the 15th century and the first Ottoman Turkish occupation in the mid-16th century. From 1839 to 1967, Britain controlled the major southern seaport of Aden. Most of Yemen remained divided, with the Shiʿa Zaydi school dominant in the north and the Sunni Shafiʿi school most common in the south and along the coast. The Hadramawt region maintained its independence for most of Yemen’s history and established strong links with India and Indonesia through out-migration. Following the unification of North and South Yemen in 1990, an Islamist perspective has increased, promoted in part through Saudi Arabian Wahhabi influence. The current state constitution defines Yemen as following Islamic law, with only a small number of Yemenite Jews and no indigenous Christian population. Instability in Yemen following the Arab Spring revolution in 2011 led to the overthrow of President Ali Abdullah Salih, the rise of the Huthis, and the expansion of extremist groups like al-Qaeda and ISIS.

Temür and the problem of a conqueror's legacy

1998 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Forbes Manz
Keyword(s):  
Economic Stress ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
The South ◽  
Political Fragmentation ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of

Temür has been many things to many people. He was nomad and city-builder, Turk and promoter of Persian culture, restorer of the Mongol order and warrior for the spread of Islam. One thing he was to all: a conqueror of unequalled scope, able to subdue both the vast areas of nomad power to the north and the centres of agrarian Islamic culture to the south. The history of his successors was one of increasing political fragmentation and economic stress. Yet they too won fame, as patrons over a period of brilliant cultural achievement in Persian and Turkic. Temür's career raises a number of questions. Why did he find it necessary to pile conquest upon conquest, each more ambitious than the last? Having conceived dreams of dominion, where did he get the power and money to fulfill them? When he died, what legacy did Temür leave to his successors and to the world which they tried to control? Finally, what was this world of Turk and Persian, and where did Temür and the Timurids belong within it?

Attitudes to reform: political parties in Ulster and the Irish land bill of 1881

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (95) ◽  
pp. 327-340
Author(s):  
Francis Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Previous Decade ◽  
History Of

The Irish land act of 1881, it is generally agreed, was a victory for the Land League and Parnell, and nationalist policy with regard to the act and the attitude of southern tenants towards it have been many times subjected to detailed examination by historians of this period. In these analyses of the events of 1880–81, however, little reference is normally made to the part played by the different parties and interests in the north of the country. It is often assumed, for example, that the Ulster tenants held aloof from the campaign for reform, lending no more than occasional vocal support to the agitational efforts of tenants in the south and west. Indeed, they were later excoriated by William O'Brien, Michael Davitt and others not only for giving no support to the land movement but also for sabotaging Parnell's policy of testing the 1881 act by precipitately rushing into the land courts to take advantage of the new legislation: ‘that hard-fisted body of men, having done nothing themselves to win the act, thought of nothing but turning it to their own immediate use, and repudiating any solidarity with the southern and western rebels to whom they really owed it’. If, however, northern tenants were harshly judged by nationalist politicians in the years after 1881, the part played by the northern political parties in the history of the land bill has been either ignored or misunderstood by historians since that time. The Ulster liberals, for example, are rarely mentioned, the implication being that they made no contribution to the act even though it implemented almost exactly the programme on which they had been campaigning for much of the previous decade. The northern conservatives, on the other hand, are commonly seen as leading opponents of the bill, more intransigent than their party colleagues in the south, ‘quick to denounce any weakening of the opposition’ to reform, and ‘determined to keep the tory party up to the mark in defending the landlord interest’

scholarly journals Public Space as a Venue for Peacebuilding in Lebanon? The Role of Civic Movements in Reclaiming Public Space in Beirut and Tripoli

2021 ◽  
pp. 25-46
Author(s):  
Aseel Naamani ◽  
Ruth Simpson
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Urban Spaces ◽  
Building Relationships ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War

The issue of public spaces is increasingly at the core of civic movements and discourse of reform in Lebanon, coming to the fore most recently in the mass protests of October 2019. Yet, these most recent movements build on years of activism and contestation, seeking to reclaim rights to access and engage with public spaces in the face of encroachments, mainly by the private sector. Urban spaces, including the country’s two biggest cities – Beirut and Tripoli – have been largely privatised and the preserve of an elite few, and post-war development has been marred with criticism of corruption and exclusivity. This article explores the history of public spaces in Beirut and Tripoli and the successive civic movements, which have sought to realise rights to public space. The article argues that reclaiming public space is central to reform and re-building relationships across divides after years of conflict. First, the article describes the evolution of Lebanon’s two main urban centres. Second, it moves to discuss the role of the consociational system in the partition and regulation of public space. Then it describes the various civic movements related to public space and examines the opportunities created by the October 2019 movement. Penultimately it interrogates the limits imposed by COVID-19 and recent crises. Lastly, it explores how placemaking and public space can contribute to peacebuilding and concludes that public spaces are essential to citizen relationships and inclusive participation in public life and affairs.

I Kings

2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Cogan
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
Biblical Scholar ◽  
1 Kings

Beginning with the death of David and the rise of Solomon, 1 Kings charts the history of Israel through the divided monarchy, when Ahab reigned in the north and Jehoshaphat reigned in the south. This new translation, with introduction and commentary by biblical scholar Mordechai Cogan, is part of the Anchor Bible Commentary series, viewed by many as the definitive commentaries for use in both Christian and Jewish scholarship and worship. Cogan's translation brings new immediacy to well-known passages, such as Solomon's famously wise judgment when asked by two prostitutes to decide their dispute regarding motherhood of a child: "Cut the live son in two! And give half to one and half to the other." With a bibliography that runs to almost a thousand articles and books, Cogan's commentary demonstrates his mastery of the political history described by 1 Kings, as well as the themes of moral and religious failure that eventually led to Israel's defeat and exile.

A History of Niue

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
David McDowell
Keyword(s):  
Local Adaptation ◽  
The South ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Coral Rock ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Supernatural Agency

<p>"In the beginning, this island now called Niue was nothing but coral rock (he punga)... There came a god, an aitu, from the south, a god sailed to and fro on the face of the waters. He looked down here and saw far below on the ocean the white punga rock. He let down his hook and hauled the punga up to the surface, and lo! there stood and island!" - John Lupo. The genesis of Niue remains conjectural. The Polynesian calls in a supernatural agency, an aitu from the south, to explain the emergence of the multiplication of corals and algae from the waters of the mid-Pacific to form an island two-hundred feet high, but the story of the god and his line and hook is a local adaptation of a very ancient and widespread fable, as are in varying degrees other Polynesian versions of the birth of the island, Cook advanced two further possibilities in 1777 when he speculated: "Has this Island been raised by an earthquake? Or has the sea receded from it?"</p>

Debating the South in Unified Italy

2020 ◽  
pp. 186-214
Author(s):  
Stefan Nygård
Keyword(s):  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
National Politics ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Catching Up ◽  
History Of ◽  
South Axis ◽  
Nation State Formation ◽  
North And South

The history of modern Italy is an illustrative example of the different social and spatial layers of the North–South divide. Since unification in 1861, Italy has struggled to overcome regional imbalances, mainly although not exclusively along a North–South axis. With an emphasis on the period following unification, when North-South was placed at the centre of national politics, this chapter surveys the lingering debates on Italy’s so-called Southern question and the dynamics of nation-state formation in which it is embedded. The contested history of this process includes debates over economic and moral debts caused by the uneven distribution of gains and sacrifices between North and South as a result of unification. Socio-economically, two North–South divides developed in parallel after unification; the more significant one between Italy and transalpine Europe, and the initially minor but eventually growing divergence between the northern and southern regions within Italy. The ideas of development, catching-up and “Europeanization” were recurring themes in the intellectual and political debates discussed in the chapter. The contested issue was whether the North was developing the South, or vice versa.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 168-186
Author(s):  
Francis J. Bremer
Keyword(s):  
New England ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Core Values ◽  
Slow Movement ◽  
The Core ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
History Of

Brewster’s death in 1644 marked a landmark in the history of the colony. At that time the English Civil Wars (or Puritan Revolution) had begun and William Bradford and others hoped that the small beginning of reform offered by Plymouth might lead to a transformation of not only New England but the mother country as well. But there were debates over that New England Way in the colonies, with a slow movement toward shifting authority from ordinary believers to clerical leaders, and from individual congregations to some form of synods or clerical councils. The practice of prophesying was criticized by many clergy. There were debates about the extent that different views should be tolerated. As he neared the end of his life William Bradford composed dialogues in which he explained the core values that the founders of Plymouth had upheld.

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