Youth Participation in Political Violence

Author(s):  
David M. Rosen

Throughout history, young people have been involved in political violence and war; however, the way this involvement is constructed varies dramatically by culture. In the preindustrial world, youth cultures or subcultures that mark and honor violence held complex relationships to the values of the wider community. In the nineteenth-century hunting-and-gathering communities of the Great Plains of the United States, the values of youth reflected the values held by adults. Elsewhere, such as among the Maasai and Samburu of East Africa, elements of youth cultures sometimes embodied opposition to the adult world. Despite these differences, the experiences of youth usually serve as a passageway to assuming normative adult roles within the existing social order. An important shift took place around the beginning of the twentieth century when, at least in part, war and revolution were carried out not just by young fighters but in the name of youth. The emphasis on youth and its transformative power signaled and legitimized the hope of a new social order. Though these wars often harnessed the revolutionary energy of young fighters, when the revolutionary moment became institutionalized, there was often a disjuncture between the values of youth culture and the emerging post-revolutionary norms. However, youth violence is culturally and socially constructed, “youth” as a social category is temporally limited, so its usefulness as the basis of permanent political power is ephemeral. Thus, youth culture and its attachment to violence always remain politically excluded from the hierarchy of power.

Author(s):  
Sara Roy

Many in the United States and Israel believe that Hamas is nothing but a terrorist organization, and that its social sector serves merely to recruit new supporters for its violent agenda. Based on extensive fieldwork in the Gaza Strip and West Bank during the critical period of the Oslo peace process, this book shows how the social service activities sponsored by the Islamist group emphasized not political violence but rather community development and civic restoration. The book demonstrates how Islamic social institutions in Gaza and the West Bank advocated a moderate approach to change that valued order and stability, not disorder and instability; were less dogmatically Islamic than is often assumed; and served people who had a range of political outlooks and no history of acting collectively in support of radical Islam. These institutions attempted to create civic communities, not religious congregations. They reflected a deep commitment to stimulate a social, cultural, and moral renewal of the Muslim community, one couched not only—or even primarily—in religious terms. Vividly illustrating Hamas's unrecognized potential for moderation, accommodation, and change, the book also traces critical developments in Hamas' social and political sectors through the Second Intifada to today, and offers an assessment of the current, more adverse situation in the occupied territories. The Oslo period held great promise that has since been squandered. This book argues for more enlightened policies by the United States and Israel, ones that reflect Hamas' proven record of nonviolent community building. A new afterword discusses how Hamas has been affected by changing regional dynamics and by recent economic and political events in Gaza, including failed attempts at reconciliation with Fatah.


Author(s):  
Didier Fassin

If punishment is not what we say it is, if it is not justified by the reasons we invoke, if it facilitates repeat offenses instead of preventing them, if it punishes in excess of the seriousness of the act, if it sanctions according to the status of the offender rather than to the gravity of the offense, if it targets social groups defined beforehand as punishable, and if it contributes to producing and reproducing disparities, then does it not itself precisely undermine the social order? And must we not start to rethink punishment, not only in the ideal language of philosophy and law but also in the uncomfortable reality of social inequality and political violence?


Author(s):  
Anthony DeAngelis ◽  
Francina Dominguez ◽  
Ying Fan ◽  
Alan Robock ◽  
M. Deniz Kustu ◽  
...  

1977 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 729-733 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. C. DARLINGTON ◽  
D. E. MATHRE ◽  
R. H. JOHNSTON

Isolates of Claviceps purpurea (Fr.) Tul. originally isolated from many different grass hosts in the northern Great Plains and several other areas in the United States and England were tested for their pathogenicity to selected cultivars or lines of male-sterile wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) and barley (Hordeum vulgare L.). While there was a great range in the level of virulence, no clear-cut evidence of specific races was obtained. A few isolates were weakly virulent on two cultivars of male-sterile spring wheat but were highly virulent on the other two cultivars tested. Wheat and barley breeders are advised to use a mixture of isolates in screening germ plasm for resistance to ergot.


2005 ◽  
Vol 137 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuilo B. Macedo ◽  
Paula A. Macedo ◽  
Robert K.D. Peterson ◽  
David K. Weaver ◽  
Wendell L. Morrill

The wheat stem sawfly, Cephus cinctus Norton (Hymenoptera: Cephidae), is an insect pest in dryland wheat cropping systems in the southern Canadian Prairies and the northern Great Plains of the United States (Morrill 1997). Yield losses caused by C. cinctus are due to reduced head weight (Holmes 1977; Morrill et al. 1992) and lodging, which decreases harvest efficiency. Estimates of yield losses in Montana alone are about US$25 million per year.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Mark Long ◽  
Alex S. Wilner

Deterring terrorism is no longer a provocative idea, but missing from the contemporary theoretical investigation is a discussion of how delegitimization might be used to manipulate and shape militant behavior. Delegitimization suggests that states and substate actors can use the religious or ideological rationale that informs terrorist behavior to influence it. In the case of al-Qaida, the organization has carefully elaborated a robust metanarrative that has proved to be remarkably successful as a recruitment tool, in identity formation for adherents, as public apologia and hermeneutic, and as a weapon of war—the so-called media jihad. In the wake of the upheaval of the Arab Spring, al-Qaida and its adherents have redeployed the narrative, promising a new social order to replace the region's anciens régimes. Delegitimization would have the United States and its friends and allies use al-Qaida's own narrative against it by targeting and degrading the ideological motivation that guides support for and participation in terrorism.


Author(s):  
Sarah L. Jackson ◽  
Sahar Derakhshan ◽  
Leah Blackwood ◽  
Logan Lee ◽  
Qian Huang ◽  
...  

This paper examines the spatial and temporal trends in county-level COVID-19 cases and fatalities in the United States during the first year of the pandemic (January 2020–January 2021). Statistical and geospatial analyses highlight greater impacts in the Great Plains, Southwestern and Southern regions based on cases and fatalities per 100,000 population. Significant case and fatality spatial clusters were most prevalent between November 2020 and January 2021. Distinct urban–rural differences in COVID-19 experiences uncovered higher rural cases and fatalities per 100,000 population and fewer government mitigation actions enacted in rural counties. High levels of social vulnerability and the absence of mitigation policies were significantly associated with higher fatalities, while existing community resilience had more influential spatial explanatory power. Using differences in percentage unemployment changes between 2019 and 2020 as a proxy for pre-emergent recovery revealed urban counties were hit harder in the early months of the pandemic, corresponding with imposed government mitigation policies. This longitudinal, place-based study confirms some early urban–rural patterns initially observed in the pandemic, as well as the disparate COVID-19 experiences among socially vulnerable populations. The results are critical in identifying geographic disparities in COVID-19 exposures and outcomes and providing the evidentiary basis for targeting pandemic recovery.


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