Scotland and Europe

Author(s):  
Kirsty Hughes

This chapter analyses how the Brexit process has unfolded in Scotland since the 2016 vote. With the UK as a whole voting to leave the EU whilst Scotland, and Northern Ireland, voted to Remain, political tension was inherent in the relationship between the Scottish and UK governments over Brexit from the start. This tension worsened during the subsequent two to three years as the Article 50 process got under way. Scottish support for remaining in the EU is compared to that across the UK, together with polling evidence on the subsequent evolution of support for Remain and for another EU referendum (a ‘people’s vote’). Political responses in Scotland are then considered, focusing in particular on the varying positions of the Scottish Government. The Scottish Government took a more strategic approach to Brexit in the initial weeks after the Brexit vote, which was then replaced by a more tactical emphasis on staying in the EU’s single market and defending the devolution settlement. This shifted again in autumn 2018 when the Scottish Government came out in favour of a people’s vote and put more emphasis on Remain over a ‘soft’ Brexit; this position was strengthened through 2019. How the politics of Brexit and the politics of independence have intertwined since 2016 is also briefly considered.

Author(s):  
Michael Dougan

Following a national referendum on 23 June 2016, the UK announced its intention to end its decades-long membership of the EU. That decision initiated a process of complex negotiations, governed by Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, with a view to making the arrangements required for an ‘orderly Brexit’. This book explores the UK’s departure from the EU from a legal perspective. As well as analysing the various constitutional principles relevant to ‘EU withdrawal law’, and detailing the main issues and problems arising during the Brexit process itself, the book provides a critical analysis of the final EU–UK Withdrawal Agreement—including dedicated chapters on the future protection of citizens’ rights, the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, and the prospects for future EU–UK relations in fields such as trade and security.


Author(s):  
Sandra Marco Colino

This chapter focuses on the current interaction between European Union and UK law. EU law is currently a source of UK law. However, the relationship between the two regimes is expected to change in the future as a consequence of the UK’s decision to withdraw from the EU. The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 stipulates that the European Communities Act 1972 will be ‘repealed on exit day’, which would be 29 March 2019 provided that the two-year period since Article 50 TEU was triggered is not extended. Once the European Communities Act 1972 has been repealed, EU law will cease to be a source of UK law. No major immediate changes to the national competition legislation are to be expected, but future reforms could distance the UK system from the EU rules.


Author(s):  
Etain Tannam

This chapter assesses the impact of UK withdrawal from the EU on British–Irish relations. It examines yet another possible disintegrative effect of Brexit on the UK system, namely the re-unification of Ireland. The 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, bringing to a close decades of sectarian violence in Northern Ireland, had created an excellent working relations between Dublin and London. However, Brexit has threated this equilibrium, and has unexpectedly brought back on the agenda a possible border poll. The chapter then looks at the unfolding of the Brexit negotiations from June of 2016 to March of 2020 from the perspectives of British–Irish relations. It also studies the importance of the British–Irish relationship and the EU in the peace process in Northern Ireland, and considers potential methods of managing the relationship after Brexit.


Subject Brexit negotiations. Significance A Northern Ireland-specific agreement is now the best hope for UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson to deliver Brexit by October 31 with a deal. While Johnson would likely accept alignment of Northern Ireland with EU rules if this meant replacing the UK-wide backstop, convincing his Northern Irish allies in the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) remains the key challenge. Impacts Delivering Brexit with a deal will increase the prospects for a UK-US free trade agreement. A risk of a Northern Ireland backstop is that it will invite pressure from Scottish nationalists, who would want similar special treatment. The EU is likely to accept an Article 50 extension request if an election or referendum is due to take place.


2020 ◽  
pp. 464-506
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

This chapter charts the long association of the UK with the EU. It considers all aspects of this relationship including pre membership, entry to the EC (EU), the first UK EU referendum in 1975 and the relationship over five decades. It considers how EU law was granted supremacy over UK law and how the courts viewed this. It considers the period up to and, including the 2016 UK EU referendum on exiting or remaining in the EU and the immediate consequences of that. Finally, and now most importantly, it looks at the negotiations and means by which the UK legally exited the EU on 31 January and the movement into the next stage of that relationship: the future trade relationship with the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christos-Thomas Kechagias ◽  
Sofia Stefanopoulou ◽  
Alexander-Stamatios Antoniou

When the majority of UK citizens voted to exit the EU almost nobody could tell the main impact of the most important event in global politics in the beginning of the 21st century. Two years after the referendum none is sure what exactly Brexit means, especially on the relationship the UK will have with EU in the future. The UK invoked the Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty and until 1 January 2021 there will be a transition period which is necessary for both parts to prepare and strike their own new trade deals. What lessons can a modern political thought learn from antiquity? According to Thucydides, the inventor of political science, and theorist of political and financial autonomy, there might be a new set of ways of thinking and values, for both UK’s major political parties. Through his political view of the cultural and institutional explanation of the democratic Athenian paradigm we could find some of the fundamentals of the first known democracy in the world and transfer them to our times. How could an observer conceive the risks and the opportunities of the future UK role after Brexit putting Thucydides’ theory into praxis? What is the relationship between modern UK politics decisions with the strategies of Pericles, Cleon, and Alcibiades, during the Peloponnesian War? <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0735/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-211
Author(s):  
Lesley-Ann Daniels ◽  
Alexander Kuo

Abstract Has the UK referendum to leave the EU (Brexit) affected territorial preferences within the UK? We draw on comparative theories of such preferences to address this question, as Brexit can be seen as a shock to a political unit. We test hypotheses in two key regions, Scotland and Northern Ireland, with original surveys fielded at a unique time (September 2019). We randomize making salient different Brexit scenarios and measure support for Scottish independence and unification with Ireland within each region. We find in Scotland the prospect of leaving the EU increases support for independence. This effect is pronounced among those who support the UK remaining in the EU. In Northern Ireland, religious background correlates highly with territorial views, and we find little evidence of Brexit or border-scenario effects. Our results contribute to the literature on decentralization processes and the EU, and provide evidence of when negative shocks affect such preferences.


Author(s):  
Б.Г. Вульфович

Задачей данной статьи является рассмотрение лингвопрагматических особенностей комментариев пользователей социальной сети «Твиттер» на выход Великобритании из ЕС. Анализ данных комментариев с лингвопрагматической точки зрения представляет интерес, так как показывает наиболее актуальную картину отношения пользователей социальных сетей к произошедшему событию. Приоритетными методами анализа лингвопрагматического потенциала Интернет-комментариев для нас являются: описательный метод, метод прагматического анализа, т.е. рассмотрение языкового материала в его непосредственном контексте в функциональном аспекте, метод частичной выборки, метод контекстологического описания. Контекстуальный метод был использован с целью установления особенностей комментариев в среде социальной сети «Твиттер»; описательный метод - для выявления непосредственного отношения пользователей социальных сетей к выходу Великобритании из ЕС; частичной выборки - для отбора наиболее эффективных и целостных комментариев с позиции прагматики и их реализации в данном контексте. Проведённое исследование позволило установить, что большинство людей удовлетворено результатами выхода Великобритании из ЕС и положительно отзывается об этом событии. Об этом свидетельствует как большое количество экспрессивов, использованных в интернет-комментариях в отношении данного события, так и активное употребление в них оценочной лексики. Результаты проведённого исследования могут быть применены в теоретических работах по описанию характеристик речевых актов, в курсе теоретической грамматики, стилистики, прагмалингвистики. The purpose of this article is to review the linguo-pragmatic features of Brexit represented in the comments in Twitter. Their analysis from a linguistic-pragmatic point of view may be of interest, since it shows the most relevant picture of the relationship of social network users for the event. The priority methods for analyzing the linguo-pragmatic potential of Internet comments for us are: a descriptive method, a pragmatic analysis method, i.e. consideration of linguistic material in its immediate context in the functional aspect, partial sampling method, contextual description method. The contextual method was used to establish the characteristics of comments on the Twitter social network; descriptive method was used to identify the direct relationship of social network users to the UK exit from the EU; partial sampling was used to select the most effective and holistic comments from the position of pragmatics and their implementation in this context. The study found that most people are satisfied with the results of the UK exit from the EU and respond positively to this event. The results of the study can be applied in theoretical works on the description of the characteristics of speech acts, in the course of theoretical grammar, stylistics, pragmalinguistics.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ebtisam Saleh Aluthman

This paper presents a critical account of the representation of immigration in the Brexit corpus—a collective corpus of 108,452,923 words compiled mostly from blogs, tweets, and daily news related to Brexit debate. The study follows the methodological synergy approach proposed by Baker et al. (2008), a heuristic methodological approach that combines methods of discourse analysis and corpus-assisted statistical tools including keyword, collocation, and concordance analysis. Drawing on this methodological synergy approach, the investigation yields significant findings contextualized within the socio-economic-political context of the European Union (EU) leave referendum to trace how the issue of immigration is represented in the discourses of the Remain and Leave campaigns. The frequency results show that immigration is one of the most salient topics in the Brexit corpus. Concordance analysis of the word immigrants and collocation investigation of the word immigration reveal opposing attitudes toward immigration in the EU referendum debate. The analysis uncovers negative attitudes toward the uncontrolled flow of immigrants from other EU countries and public concerns about immigrants' negative impacts on wages, education, and health services. Other findings reveal positive attitudes toward immigrants emphasizing their positive contributions to the UK economy. The study concludes with an argument of the significant association between the political and socio-economic ideologies of a particular society and the language communicated in its media.


2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELIZABETH MEEHAN

If students of world politics can be reasonably accused of ignoring the Troubles in Northern Ireland—in part because they seemed to have little to do with the larger East-West confrontation and partly because they were so obviously about something distinctly national in character—then by the same token specialists on Northern Ireland can justly be accused of a certain intellectual parochialism and of failing to situate the long war within a broader global perspective. The quite unexpected outbreak of peace however only emphasizes the need for a wider understanding of the rise and fall of the Northern Irish conflict. This article explores the relationship between the partial resolution of the Irish Question—as expressed in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998—and the changing character of the European landscape. Its central thesis is that while there were many reasons for the outbreak of peace in the 1990s, including war weariness, it is difficult to understand what happened without situating it in a larger European framework and the new definition of sovereignty to which the EU has given birth.


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