Buddhism in Contemporary Bhutan

Author(s):  
Samdrup Rigyal ◽  
M. Alyson Prude

Buddhism has been a consistent feature of Bhutanese politics and culture since the country’s founding by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel in the seventeenth century. A mixture of Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism combined with indigenous customs and worldviews, Bhutanese Buddhism remains a fundamental aspect of contemporary Bhutanese identity. Today, Bhutan is the only sovereign nation with a dual Buddhist-temporal administration (chos srid). The government views the Buddhist faith of many of its citizens as a fundamental aspect of contemporary “Bhutanese” identity, and many Bhutanese revere the king as a bodhisattva. As the Himalayan country becomes more and more integrated into the global twenty-first century, the state continues to support and sponsor Buddhist monasteries, monuments, and festivals and looks to Buddhist values to establish and guide state policies, including Gross National Happiness.

Author(s):  
Seun Bamidele ◽  
Olusegun Oladele Idowu

Abstract The politics of land rights and low or high intensity protest in the twenty-first century has produced several land-related protesters with a variety of strategies. This study focuses on the challenges of urbanization as it affects the Kpaduma community in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory (fct), Nigeria. Kpaduma, an indigenous group, has a history of protest at various times with the government over its ancestral land. The last protest in 2016 brought massive destruction of settlements and forced displacement. Quite a number of works have been written on the land protests, with particular reference to their causes and consequences. However, the post-protests situation, particularly regarding the tense relationship and urbanization process in the locality, is yet to be sufficiently explored. This study investigates the state of relations between the government and Kpaduma as well as the urbanization processes in the country’s capital after the forced displacement of Kpaduma.


Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil

This chapter examines Turkey's political history, specifically the country's main pillars of statism, nationalism, and secularism. These pillars emerged in unique forms in the aftermath of the establishment of the Republic in 1923 and became subject to divergent processes of transformation during the 1980s and 1990s, and then again in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The chapter illustrates how statism, nationalism, and secularism have suffused both the Turkish public sphere and its media culture. It also provides background for the ensuing examination of Turkey's contemporary media system, especially in regard to the development of political economic alliances between media proprietors and the state.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irfan Setia Permana

The government in this case is the legislative and executive institutions are managers in the order of a State. The condusiveness of a State depends on the government's role in treating every citizen fairly. One of the concerns of the State is of course Religion. There are six Religions recognized as official Religion in Indonesia. Therefore, the adherents of a religion in Indonesia should be treated proportionally and fairly by the Government so that it can perform its religious duties.In this discussion the method used is descriptive analysis approach. The steps taken in the discussion of this theme are: determine the focus of research, determine the type and source of data then process and analyze it.The result of the discussion of this topic shows that the Law of the State of Indonesia has guaranteed the right and freedom of every citizen to religion according to his own belief. Therefore, it is appropriate that the people who sit in the legislature and the executive to always maintain the religious freedom of every citizen without looking at the ideology he embraces.There is still in this country discriminatory practices and injustices against the adherents of certain religions, it is necessary steps to provide justice together, including; political struggle for equality and capacity building and understanding of multiculturalism over democratic values. The first attempt was an advocacy of a number of state policies that were still considered unfair. Some legislation products that are less in harmony with the spirit of the 1945 Constitution and the development of the modern world are now being reviewed. While the second attempt is intended to strengthen the consciousness of the majority to further develop the values of equality, freedom, humanistic, homeland love and tolerance to diversity. If these noble things are successfully developed and implemented by all people it will be useful not only for the consolidation of democracy in this country, but also to strengthen nation and State.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 654-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Pulignano ◽  
Domenico Carrieri ◽  
Lucio Baccaro

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy’s industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers’ organizations and the trade unions. Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends. Findings Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: “collective autonomy” as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers’ organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized “participative-collaborative” model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy’s “political exchange.” This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century. Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy’s industrial relations.


In all objective processes of self-movement of systems, the subjective aspect associated with a person as a thinking creature is seen. This introduces a fundamental aspect of being aware of the actions of a creative person, who should feel freedom as a perceived necessity. So, society and its integrity come to the fore, which will predetermine the dialectic of interaction with the economy. It is this aspect of the state's activity that will make its way through a long thorny path, since it is preceded by the experience of the government in a capital-centric economy with the economic measure of all its successes. And the formation of a human-centric organization is a completely new sphere of nation states' activity. In these conditions, the state should be responsible for ensuring the integrity of systems, or rather for the institutionalization of their dialectical interaction and their adequate self-structuring in all spheres.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 728-768 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark I. Choate

This article uses archival evidence to study in depth the historical policies of Italy as a classic sending state. Most of the mass migrations of a century ago came from multinational empires, but Italy was a recently formed independent state. Ambitious to benefit from emigration while assisting and protecting emigrants, Italy reached out to “Italians abroad” in several ways. For example, the state opened a low-cost channel for remittances through a nonprofit bank; promoted Italian language education among Italian families abroad; supported Italian Chambers of Commerce abroad; and subsidized religious missionary work among emigrants. Italy's historical example of political innovation and diplomatic negotiation provides context, comparisons, and possibilities for rapidly changing sending-state policies in the twenty-first century.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Ciro Marcano

With the adoption of the Communal Councils Law in 2006, and the recent creation in 2009 of the People's Power Ministry for Communes, the government of Venezuela fosters the construction of socialism in the twentieth first century. Considerations about communal power are of fundamentally importance. But, what are the communal councils, what direction are they taking, and how does this new system of communal government express itself on the ground at a national scale? This study analyzes the experience of the communalization of the State in Venezuela, a phenomenon of enormous relevancy to questions of equity, political legitimacy, and development, which lie at the heart of the changes underway in Latin America.


Author(s):  
Julian Le Grand ◽  
Bill New

This book explores one of the major social questions of the twenty-first century: whether the government should save people from themselves. More specifically, it considers whether there are circumstances when the state, or the government of the state, should intervene to protect individuals from the possibly damaging consequences of their own decisions, even if those decisions affect only themselves, and even if the individuals concerned made the decisions while in full possession of their faculties and of all the relevant information. In other words, whether government paternalism can be justified. The book asks whether allowing the government to be the agent of paternalism creates a “nanny state” that invades the autonomy of the individuals concerned and potentially infantilizing them. Finally, it examines what form a paternalistic intervention should take and to what extent the rationale or consequences of government policies may be regarded as wholly or partly paternalistic.


Author(s):  
Scott W. Sunquist ◽  
Peter Lim

Presbyterians established many churches during the West’s imperialist expansion in various parts of Asia from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth century. Presbyterian missionaries founded churches in Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines, China, Taiwan, Japan, and Korea. Key missionaries, as well as national workers, participated in establishing and leading those churches. This chapter narrates and highlights significant historical events in this early development country by country, paying special attention to Korea, where Presbyterianism has flourished most in Asia. The chapter discusses the state of Presbyterian churches in those areas in general, their involvement with social, political, educational, and charitable activities, and the problems with which they have dealt. It concludes by analyzing the contextual challenges Presbyterians are facing in twenty-first-century Asia.


2008 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
M. Mujiburrahman

This article discusses how Indonesian state manages its religious diversity. The state policies on religious diversity cannot be understood without analyzing the history of how the founding fathers decided to choose Indonesia as neither secular nor Islamic country, but somewhere between the two. The author discusses three topics, namely the recognized religions, muslim's fear of christianization, and dialogue and inter-religious harmony. Based on the Decree No.1/1965, Confucianism was one of six religions recognized by the state. However, in the Soeharto era, around 1979, this religion was dropped from the list, and only after his fall Confucianism has been rehabilitated, and even the Chinese New Year has been included as one of the national holidays in Indonesia. In terms of muslim-christian relations, there were tensions since 1960s, particularly dealt with the issue of the high number of Muslims who converted to Christianity. It was in this situation that in 1967 a newly built Methodist Church in Meulaboh, Aceh, was closed by Muslims, arguing that the Church was a concrete example of the aggressiveness of Christian missions because it was built in a Muslim majority area. Since the Meulaboh case, the Muslims consistently insisted the government to accommodate their four demands: (1) restriction on establishing new places of worship; (2) restriction onreligious propagation, and control of foreign aid for religious institutions; (4) Islamic religion classes should be given to Muslim students studying in Christian schools; (5) inter-religious marriage should not be allowed. Apart from these contested issues, the government and religious leaders have been trying to avoid conflict and to establish cooperation and peace among religious groups in the country through inter-religious dialogues, either organized by the government or sponsored by the leaders of religious groups themselves. The author argues that specific socio-political contexts should be taken into consideration to understand state policies making concerning religious diversity. Hence, all debates and compromises achieved afterwards usually do not go beyond the neither secular nor Islamic compromise.


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