The State and the Minority Group: Land Rights between the State and Kpaduma Indigenous Group in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory (fct), Nigeria

Author(s):  
Seun Bamidele ◽  
Olusegun Oladele Idowu

Abstract The politics of land rights and low or high intensity protest in the twenty-first century has produced several land-related protesters with a variety of strategies. This study focuses on the challenges of urbanization as it affects the Kpaduma community in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory (fct), Nigeria. Kpaduma, an indigenous group, has a history of protest at various times with the government over its ancestral land. The last protest in 2016 brought massive destruction of settlements and forced displacement. Quite a number of works have been written on the land protests, with particular reference to their causes and consequences. However, the post-protests situation, particularly regarding the tense relationship and urbanization process in the locality, is yet to be sufficiently explored. This study investigates the state of relations between the government and Kpaduma as well as the urbanization processes in the country’s capital after the forced displacement of Kpaduma.

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


Antiquity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (361) ◽  
pp. 233-238
Author(s):  
Simon Holdaway ◽  
Rebecca Phillipps ◽  
Joshua Emmitt ◽  
Veerle Linseele ◽  
Willeke Wendrich

From 1924–1928, Gertrude Caton-Thompson and Elinor Gardner surveyed and excavated Epipalaeolithic and Neolithic sites across the Fayum north shore in Egypt, publishing a volume entitled The Desert Fayum (1934). Since then, a number of researchers have worked in the Fayum (e.g. Wendorf & Schild 1976; Hassan 1986; Wenke et al. 1988; Kozłowski & Ginter 1989), and most recently the UCLA/RUG/UOA Fayum Project. The long history of research in the area means that the Fayum is a testament to changing archaeological approaches, particularly regarding the Neolithic. Caton-Thompson and Gardner's study is recognised as one of the most progressive works on Egyptian prehistory, and their research provided the foundation for many subsequent studies in the region (e.g. Wendrich & Cappers 2005; Holdaway et al. 2010, 2016; Shirai 2010, 2013, 2015, 2016a; Emmitt 2011; Emmitt et al. 2017; Holdaway & Wendrich 2017). A recent article in Antiquity, however, uses Caton-Thompson and Gardner's preliminary interpretations of their excavations at a stratified deposit in the Fayum, Kom W, to generate a series of speculative statements concerning agricultural origins in the region (Shirai 2016b). The majority of these statements are very similar to conclusions initially made by Caton-Thompson and Gardner in the first half of the twentieth century, and new data and theory needed to reassess earlier conclusions are not considered. Recently published studies concerning the Fayum north shore and adjacent regions provide a different view of the state of research in this region and the Egyptian Neolithic in general. Here we acquaint Antiquity readers with current archaeological approaches to the Fayum north shore Neolithic, with the intent of stimulating academic debate.


Author(s):  
Anak Agung Istri Diah Mahadewi

AstractThis study discusses, "regulation of Procedure Cancellation of Certificate of Land whichis the State Owned Assets", which aims to study theoretically on Cancellation of Certificateof Rights to the land including State owned Assets, ie, how the implementation Regulation ofCancellation of Certificate of Land to include of State.This research is a law that is derived from primary and secondary legal materials werethen analyzed by using the approach of legislation and legal concepts and approaches usinganalytical tools and techniques argumetasi legal description.Discussion and research results can be summarized as follows: Regulation Procedurecancellation of Certificate of Land which is the State Owned Assets can not provide legalcertainty for the National Land Agency officials in conducting cancellation, because to thestate owned assets known as asset removal must be approved by Property Manager theMinister of Finance, while the state owned assets such as land has issued a certificate if theobject of the dispute and has permanent legal force in terms of the form of action settlementwith the cancellation of the certificate of land Rights. So in this case the absence of a definiteregulation that can be used as guidelines for the Government Apparatus to take legal action inthe form of cancellation of Certificate of Land Rights


2001 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Peterson

A commitment in applied anthropological policy work to maximising cultural appropriateness or even to supporting what indigenous people say they want is not always possible. This proved to be the case in connection with formulating recommendations for land rights legislation in Australia's Northern Territory. Until 1992 the only rights in land that Aboriginal people had as the original occupiers of the continent were statutory (that is, through acts of state and federal parliaments). No treaties were signed with Aboriginal people and until that date the continent was treated as terra nullius, unowned, at the time of colonisation in 1788. From early on in the history of European colonisation, however, areas of land had been set aside for the use and benefit of Aboriginal people. These reserves were held by the government, or by one of a number of religious bodies that ministered to Aboriginal people, usually supported by government funding. Beginning with South Australia in 1966 all of the states, except Tasmania, have passed legislation that gives varying degrees of control of these reserves to land trusts governed by Aboriginal people. Each of these pieces of legislation had/have different shortcomings which included some or all of the following: the total area that had been reserved was small; the powers granted over the land were limited; the majority of the Aboriginal population did not benefit from the legislation; and none of them addressed the issue of self-determination. In 1973 a Royal Commission into Aboriginal Land Rights, with a single Commissioner, Mr. Justice Woodward, was established by the newly elected Federal Labor government, the first in 23 years. It was planned that it would deal with the continent but that it would begin by focusing on the Northern Territory which until 1978 was administered by the Federal government. At the time there were 25,300 Aboriginal people in the Territory making up 25% of the population.


Al-Qadha ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Faisal

The journey of the Religious Courts that has been passed in such a long period oftime means that we are talking about the past, namely the history of the Religious Courts.With the entry of Islam into Indonesia, which for the first time in the first century Hijri (1 H /7 AD) brought directly from Arabia by merchants from Mecca and Medina, the communitybegan to implement the teachings and rules of Islamic religion in everyday life. The ReligiousCourt is one of the Special Courts under the authority of the Supreme Court as the highestcourt in the Republic of Indonesia. As an Islamic Judiciary that had been established longbefore Indonesia's independence, the Religious Courts certainly could not be separated fromthe changes that occurred considering the reign of the Government of Indonesia had been heldby various people with different backgrounds, politics and goals, surely it would have animpact on the existence Religious Courts both materially and immaterially, including duringthe Dutch and Japanese colonial rule in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Lyudmyla Lesyk

The author analyzes the economic documentation sent by the Nizhyn governors to the Malorossiyskyi Prykaz in the 1650s and 1670s. The excerpts published in the Acts relating to the History of Southern and Western Russia. This source the author used to show the nature of the interaction between the Nizhyn Voivodship and the government, to identify the main issues voivode had to report on and the tasks he had to solve, as well as to consider the situation of the Russian military contingent in Nizhyn.The author notes that the royal pledges led by the voivods appeared in Chernihiv, Nizhyn, Pereyaslav and other Ukrainian cities in the late 1650s. The names of the Nizhyn voivods, who served in the 1650-1670s, were identified, and the author described their activities. She found out that the voivode had to build a fortress in the city to defend against enemies, manage the affairs of their garrisons, send to Moscow financial statements of expenditures, to issue a sovereign's pay to the archers, to fight against their escape, which was very common, and in addition to monitor on the activities of the local Cossack administration and internal policy in the territories subordinate to them, submit to the king petitioners and petitions, provide information on events in the Ukrainian lands and in the neighboring territories, involve the local population in the work . Under the rule of Ivan Bryukhovetsky, voivode had to collect taxes from inhabitants of the Hetmanate (except for Cossacks and clergy). The author concludes that it was through regular reports that the voivode in Moscow knew about the state of affairs in the Hetmanate region and, following the information received, adjusted their policy towards the Ukrainian lands. Therefore, the voivodship runoff can be considered a valuable source from the history of the hetman's Ukraine itself.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 2915-2927
Author(s):  
Fagu Tudu, Ratnakar Mohapatra

Education in tribal societies has helped in maintenance of social structure and goal attainment for a sustained living. The Hill Kharias are the primitive tribal people of Mayurbhanj of the state of Odisha in Eastern India. The development of education of the Hill Kharia community/society of Mayurbhanj is the main aspect of the improvement of the primitive tribal communities of the state of Odisha. The Government of India issued directions vide the letter. No. 20018 5/81- ITDA dated 27th April 1980 for the identification of Primitive Tribal Groups, keeping in view the facts that attention to certain tribal groups’ backwardness. In India Hill Kharia is one of the primitive tribal groups living mainly in the forest and hilly covered areas of the Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. Mentally, the people of Hill Kharia tribe of Mayurbhanj are very weak, because of lack of proper education, awareness, adequate foodstuffs, for which they are backward in present society. Odisha has possessed a distinct place in tribal history of India and it is the home of a number of different types of tribes. Different development programmes for education have been implemented through the different govt. or Non govt. agencies. On the basis of field study made by the earlier scholars including the present authors, the Hill Kharias are residing in the Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. The aim of this paper is to focus on educational status of the Hill Kharias of Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. Methodologically, both the primary and secondary sources have been used in the present article.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-247
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hefni

Success of the Ottoman empire as one of the greatest, most extensive, and longest-lasting empires in the history of the world could not be released from the efforts of the government to organize the state throught establishment various institutions. Among them are judicials instititution such as kadi courts and Hisbah institutions which was led by a muhtesib. Therefore, this paper discusses the relationship and the interaction between the kadi and the muhtesib in the Ottoman empire, and their historical roots in the periods before. The position of a kadi and a muhesib has existed in periods before the Ottoman empire. A kadi has existed since the Prophet Muhammad pbuh period. While, a muhtesib historically has began in the Greco-Roman agoranomos. In the Ottoman empire, both became important governmental functions. They had the power to pronounce decisions on everything connected with the sharî'a and the Sultanic law. They played roles in controlling urban life, its economic activities in particular. All the production and manufacturing activities in the cities that were carried out within the framework of the guild organization was under the control of the kadi and the muhtesib. For example a craft guilds and a creditor guilds.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 654-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Pulignano ◽  
Domenico Carrieri ◽  
Lucio Baccaro

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the developments which have characterized Italy’s industrial relations from post-war Fordism to neo-liberal hegemony and recent crisis, with a particular focus on the major changes occurred in the twenty-first century, especially those concerning concertative (tripartite) policy making between the government, the employers’ organizations and the trade unions. Design/methodology/approach This study is a conceptual paper which analysis of main development trends. Findings Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century are characterized by ambivalent features which are the heritage of the past. These are summarized as follows: “collective autonomy” as a classical source of strength for trade unions and employers’ organization, on the one hand. On the other hand, a low level of legislative regulation and weak institutionalization, accompanied by little engagement in a generalized “participative-collaborative” model. Due to the instability in the socio-political setting in the twenty-first century, unions and employers encounter growing difficulties to affirm their common points of view and to build up stable institutions that could support cooperation between them. The result is a clear reversal of the assumptions that had formed the classical backdrop of the paradigm of Italy’s “political exchange.” This paradigm has long influenced the way in which the relationships between employers, trade unions and the state were conceived, especially during 1990s and, to some extent, during 2000s, that is the development of concertative (tripartite) policy making. However, since the end of 2000s, and particularly from 2010s onwards national governments have stated their intention to act independently of the choices made by the unions (and partially the employers). The outcome is the eclipse of concertation. The paper explores how the relationships among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers, and the state and how politics have evolved, within a dynamic socio-political and economic context. These are the essential factors needed to understand Italy’s industrial relations in the twenty-first century. Originality/value It shows that understanding the relationship among the main institutional actors such as the trade unions (and among the unions themselves), the employers and the state and their politics is essential to understand the change occurred in contemporary Italy’s industrial relations.


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