Politics and Culture in Turkey

Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil

This chapter examines Turkey's political history, specifically the country's main pillars of statism, nationalism, and secularism. These pillars emerged in unique forms in the aftermath of the establishment of the Republic in 1923 and became subject to divergent processes of transformation during the 1980s and 1990s, and then again in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The chapter illustrates how statism, nationalism, and secularism have suffused both the Turkish public sphere and its media culture. It also provides background for the ensuing examination of Turkey's contemporary media system, especially in regard to the development of political economic alliances between media proprietors and the state.

Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil

This chapter focuses on the transformation of the Turkish media field as a result of the shifts in media ownership, the cultivation of AKP-friendly media conglomerates, the consequent upsurge in partisanship, and the decline in press freedoms. It traces the connections between these developments and the broader political economic forces, such as the economic crisis of 2001, the AKP's electoral hegemony, the decline of military tutelage, the entrenchment of Muslim bourgeoisie, and the new Islamist cadres in governmental and administrative structures. It argues that in Turkey's contemporary media landscape, commercial outlets have been simultaneously independent of the state and dependent on it. They are not formally owned, operated, or dominated by the state, yet their survival depends on their informal ties with the ruling elite, high bureaucracy, and judiciary. While this dependency on the state is not a new development, it has nonetheless revealed itself in astounding ways under the AKP's single-party rule.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Jabbor Mukhammadiev

In the international media space the issues of ensuring information security of the state is inseparably interrelated with the political, economic and legal guarantees for exercising freedom of speech and expression. The problem of ensuring the information security of any state is one of the most important aspects of its foreign policy, since it is the information sphere that is today considered to be the most important object of application of the activities of various participants in international relations. In connection with the rapid development of information technologies, threats of a new type are emerging - threats to information security on a national scale, respectively, the state must respond quickly to a changing situation and take decisive steps to organize a coherent complex information security system. The article analyzes the main approaches to providing information security of the country, formulated the goal, tasks, functions, principles of ensuring information security of the country


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Jovan Jonovski

Every European country now has some distinctive heraldic conventions and traditions embodied in the designs and artistic representations of the emblems forming part of its national corpus. This paper deals with these matters in the period from independence in 1991 to the recent change of name in 2019. It deals with the successive designs proposed for the emblem of the state itself, some of which conformed to international heraldic conventions closely enough to be called “arms” or “coats of arms”, not including the emblem adopted in 2009. Special attention is given to the distinctive conventions created for municipal heraldry, including its novel legal framework, as well as those governing personal heraldry developed in the twenty-first century. The paper examines the evolution of heraldic thought and practice in Macedonia in the three decades in question, especially in the context of the Macedonian Heraldic Society and its journal, The Macedonian Herald, and its Register of Arms and the Civic Heraldic System it created.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1127
Author(s):  
Ida Kurnia ◽  
Alexander Sutomo ◽  
Cliff Geraldio

The State of Timor Leste is an independent and sovereign country in the 21st (twenty-first) century with its official name Democratica de Timor-Leste (RTL). Timor-Leste went through a long history to be able to stand alone as an independent country. Prior to the independence of Timor-Leste, it was called East Timor, which was a former colony of the Portuguese which later merged into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. It is recorded in history that integration was formalized on July 17, 1976. Then East Timor officially became the 27th province of the Republic of Indonesia and became the youngest province at that time. In history, Timor-Leste was colonized by the Portuguese for 450 years, the Dutch for 3 years, and Indonesia for 24 years. Under the leadership of the United Nations through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor.The establishment of Timor-Leste became a necessary new state on the border, especially with Indonesia. The issue of maritime boundaries between Indonesia and Timor-Leste has not yet been agreed. The method used is normative. Based on UNCLOS 1982, if maritime boundaries are included in the territory of state ownership, the principle used is the principle of equidistance. Second, there is no clear authority within the borders of Indonesia so that the current condition of Indonesia's borders, especially in terms of security, is not conducive. Third, based on Article 3 of UNCLOS, both countries have the right to the width of their territorial sea up to a limit of 12 miles from the baseline, if their territorial seas do not overlap. Negara Timor Leste merupakan negara yang merdeka dan berdaulat pada abad ke-21 (dua puluh satu) dengan nama resminya Democratica de Timor-Leste (RTL) merupakan suatu negara yang tidak terlalu besar yang terletak di Benua Australia dan timur Negara Indonesia. Timor-Leste melewati sejarah yang panjang hingga dapat berdiri sendiri sebagai suatu negara yang merdeka. Sebelum merdekanya Timor-Leste dahulunya disebut Timor-Timur yang merupakan wilayah bekas jajahan Bangsa Portugis yang kemudian bergabung dalam kesatuan Negara Republik Indonesia. Dalam sejarah tercatat bahwa integrasi telah diresmikan pada 17 Juli 1976. Selanjutnya, Timor-Timur resmi menjadi provinsi ke-27 Negara Republik Indonesia  dan menjadi provinsi paling muda di saat itu. Dalam sejarah Timor-Leste d jajah oleh Bangsa Portugis selama 450 tahun, Belanda 3 tahun, dan Indonesia selama 24 tahun. Dibawah pimpinan PBB melalui lembaga.United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor.Berdirinya Timor-Leste menjadi negara baru diperlukan batas wilayah khususnya dengan Indonesia. Pemasalahan batas maritim antara Indonesia dan Timor-Leste sampai saat ini belum ada kesepakatan. Adapun metode yang digunakan adalah normatif. Berdasarkan UNCLOS 1982 apabila batas maritim masuk ke dalam wilayah kedaulatan negara, maka prinsip yang dipergunakan adalah prinsip sama jarak (equidistance). Kedua, tidak adanya wewenang yang jelas dalam pengelolaan perbatasan Indonesia sehingga kondisi perbatasan Indonesia saat ini terutama dari sisi stabilitas keamanan belum kondusif. Ketiga, berdasarkan Pasal 3 UNCLOS kedua negara mempunyai hak atas lebar laut teritorialnya sampai batas 12 mil diukur dari garis pangkal, apabila tidak saling tumpang tindih wilayah laut teritorialnya.


Author(s):  
Joan W. Scott

This chapter disputes the current claim that secularism guarantees gender equality. It focuses on France and on the ways in which the word secularism (laïcité) was used polemically, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, by anti-clericals who condemned the dangerous association of women and religion and thus denied women the political rights of citizens. In the twenty-first century, the focus remains on women, but now it is Muslim women who are thought to endanger the republic. In this context, a new version of secularism has been articulated, which extends the demand for the neutrality of the state in matters of religion to the enforcement of the neutrality of public space. The changing meanings of laïcité suggest the need always to historicize it, to analyze its polemical operations and its effects in specific historical circumstances. This demonstrates gender equality is not—and has never been—a primary concern of secularism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Hall

Writings on Media gathers more than twenty of Stuart Hall's media analyses, from scholarly essays such as “Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse” (1973) to other writings addressed to wider publics. Hall explores the practices of news photography, the development of media and cultural studies, the changing role of television, and how the nation imagines itself through popular media. He attends to Britain's imperial history and the politics of race and cultural identity as well as the media's relationship to the political project of the state. Testifying to the range and agility of Hall's critical and pedagogic engagement with contemporary media culture—and also to his collaborative mode of working—this volume reaffirms his stature as an innovative media theorist while demonstrating the continuing relevance of his methods of analysis.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Featherstone

This article explores what one might call the dystopia of contemporary screen-based culture through a discussion of the work of Paul Virilio and Bernard Stiegler. Centrally, it explains that the screen might be seen as a negative abyss, where absolute surface creates the effect of infinite depth and a sense of absolute freedom obscures the truth of solipsistic self-reflection and enclosure. It explores this idea through reference to Virilio’s concept of the “squared horizon” and a short history of screen culture that commences with Plato’s myth of the cave, where perceptions of surface and depth clash and contrast in the underworld. It then turns to Friedrich Nietzsche’s use of the idea of the abyss. This work on Plato and Nietzsche brings together the ideas of the screen and the abyss. The article next takes up Edmund Husserl’s notion of the horizon, which structures the human perception of movement through time, and relates this to Virilio’s concept of the negative horizon, which rushes toward humanity rather than endlessly moving into the future. At this point the negative horizon recalls the abyssal screen that is simultaneously infinite distance and absolute surface and the horror of contemporary media culture. Finally, the article reflects on Virilio’s work on technodesertification and disappearance and Stiegler’s theory of the destruction of the delay of desire in the immediacy of drive through attention capture to show how screen culture annihilates the thickness of the thing itself in favor of flat images. In conclusion, the article explains that this is the future of new media culture—the twenty-first-century dystopia of the negative abyss.


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