Diplomacy and World War

Author(s):  
H. James Burgwyn

This article examines the essence of Mussolini's foreign policy and Italy in the Second World War. Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini were dreamers who indulged in a mysticism of empire and race. According to the gifted historian MacGregor Knox, there are major similarities between the dictatorships of Hitler and Mussolini. Each regime is found to be genuinely revolutionary, their evil and violent leaders committed to subverting the international system of sovereign states in favour of an Axis New Order where racial and ethnic inferiors would be either annihilated or reduced to helots serving barbaric masters. Meanwhile, according to a dominant nationalist school of thought of Italy led by Renzo De Felice, Mussolini, in seeking ‘equidistance’ between the chief European states, aimed to utilize Nazi Germany as leverage to extract colonial concessions from the Western Powers.

Author(s):  
David Brydan

This chapter explores the relationship between Spain and the Axis powers during the Second World War. Spanish experts were involved in intensive exchange with Nazi Germany during the war. This formed part of a wider pattern of cooperation between Axis, Axis-aligned, and neutral states under the auspices of the Nazi ‘New Order’. This chapter argues that the scientific networks, conferences, and organizations promoted by Nazi Germany represented a form of ‘Axis internationalism’, which appropriated the language and practices of pre-war internationalism to promote the idea of collaborative continental order under Nazi leadership. Spanish experts, like many of their European counterparts, were willing to embrace Axis internationalism as a new, and in many ways improved, form of international cooperation. Their work highlights how internationalist structures and ideas, particularly within the ‘technical’ and humanitarian fields of health and medicine, could be appropriated by political projects from across the ideological spectrum.


Author(s):  
Аlbert K. Dudaiti

The article examines the complex relations between Iran and the leading world powers at the initial stage of the Second World War. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that Iran’s foreign policy is considered in the context of active diplomatic maneuvers of the Reza Shah government aimed at distancing itself from the belligerent powers and preserving Iran’s neutrality. The novelty of the research consists in studying the features of the foreign policy actions of the government of the Ira, which allow us to reveal the reasons for the formation of conflict relations with Great Britain and the USSR in the initial period of the war. It is established that despite the predominant military-political rivalry at the beginning of the war between Germany and Great Britain, the Iranian authorities were afraid of an invasion of the country by Anglo-Soviet troops. At the same time, it is emphasized that such a danger was real, given the active underground activities of Nazi agents in this country directed against the USSR, as well as the growth of pro-German sentiments in the Iranian government. These circumstances caused the desire of the USSR leadership to secure the southern borders of the country; In turn, the government of Great Britain set a goal to prevent Nazi Germany from implementing its long-term plans to invade the territories of the Near and Middle East controlled by the British, as well as British India. As a result of the conducted research, it is concluded that the entry of Anglo-Soviet troops into the territory of Iran was the logical consequence of the failed foreign policy actions of the Shah’s government aimed at further rapprochement with Nazi Germany, with the expectation that after its victory over the Soviet Union, Iran will be able to expand its borders at the expense of the border territories of the Soviet Transcaucasia.


Author(s):  
R. J. B. Bosworth

Of all political concepts of relatively recent times, fascism, along with the name of the Nazi chief, Adolf Hitler, elicits the most automatically negative reaction in most minds. Its mention at once conjures images of marching automatons, extreme violence, war, and genocide. The fascists, along with Hitler, it is widely assumed, were virtuously beaten in the Second World War, when liberals, democrats and socialists, capitalists and communists, came together, at least from 1941, to resist, to produce, to conquer, and to save humankind. Even though it is now more than sixty years since Hitler and his Italian ally, Benito Mussolini, died at the end of the Second World War, the history of fascism, it seems, retains contemporary menace.


1959 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 357-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Kertesz

InTheYears following the second World War, Western diplomacy was confronted with staggering problems. Some of these have been results of long developments, others of more recent origin. Meetings between Mussolini and Hitler and between the dictators and Western statesmen are glaring examples of a new brand of diplomacy which was characterized by lack of preparation through traditional diplomatic channels. Subsequent events disclosed not only some weaknesses of democracies in international politics but exposed even more the lack of good faith and other destructive tendencies of totalitarian diplomacies. Not only did Western foreign policy fail to answer adequately the challenges of a crumbling world order, but totalitarian diplomacy also erred often and gravely. Mussolini's diplomatic mistakes caused the doom of Fascist Italy and Hitler's blunders contributed greatly to the destruction of Nazi Germany. The Nazi-Soviet deal and Stalin's overextended faith in Hitler are prize examples of diplomatic miscalculations.


Author(s):  
Heather A. Warren

Reinhold Niebuhr’s ability to analyse the most fundamental aspects of human existence and reckon with them on the grandest scale has remained relevant for American foreign policy since the 1930s. In the contexts of the interwar years, the Second World War, the immediate post-war world, and the Cold War, Niebuhr called attention to the importance of justice, pride, national interest, and prudence in deliberations about the United States’ responsibilities in an interdependent world that faced the menace of communism. The Irony of American History (1952) was his extended examination of America in the new international system, and it included recommendations to guide the making of American foreign policy. Niebuhr’s principles provide insight into US successes and failures in the Vietnam, Bosnian, and Gulf Wars.


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 322-352
Author(s):  
Romain Vanlandschoot

In Van "de soldaat Johan" tot "Herman den SS-soldaat" peilt Romain Vanlandschoot naar de verhouding én de verstrengeling tussen literatuur, Vlaamse beweging en collaboratie tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. De auteur stelt daarbij het vizier scherp in op het politieke en culturele Nieuwe-Ordekader (VNV en De Vlag) waarin het literair-artistieke eenheidstijdschrift Westland ontstond. De  populaire romancier én gezaghebbende Vlaamsgezinde militant Filip De Pillecyn (1891-1962) werd de centrale figuur in de langdurige aanloop-periode van het tijdschrift. De Pillecyn dankte die rol aan zijn belangrijke inbreng in de nieuwe, "völkische" oriëntering van het culturele leven in Vlaanderen én aan zijn nauwe banden met zowel het VNV als het concurrerende De Vlag. Daarenboven genoot hij grote achting en waardering in Duitse intellectuele en artistieke kringen. Het hoofdredacteurschap van De Pillecyn was echter kort als gevolg van een al te opdringerige De Vlag- en SS-invloed. Dat heeft hem wellicht behoed voor een totale wegdeemstering na de Tweede Wereldoorlog: hij beleefde toen integendeel een onbetwistbare rehabilitering als kunstenaar.________From "soldier Johan" to "Herman the SS-soldier"In From " soldier Johan" to "Herman the SS-soldier" Romain Vanlandschoot investigates the relation and the linkage between literature, the Flemish movement and collaboration during the Second World War. The author focuses in this study on the political and cultural New Order framework (VNV [Flemish National Union] and De Vlag [German Flemish Working Community]) within which the literary-artistic unity magazine Westland had its origins. The  popular novelist  and authoritative pro-Flemish militant Filip De Pillecyn (1891-1962) became the central character during  the protracted start-up phase of the magazine. De Pillecyn obtained this role because of his important input in the new "völkische" orientation of the cultural life in Flanders as well as his close links both with the VNV and the competing De Vlag. Moreover he was also much esteemed and valued in German intellectual and artistic circles. However, De Pillecyn held the job of general editor only briefly, because of the too aggressive influence of De Vlag and the SS. This may well have protected him from a total disappearance after the Second World War: on the contrary he then experienced an undeniable rehabilitation as an artist.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110549
Author(s):  
Raphael Chijioke Njoku

The primary focus here is to accentuate the competing roles of race and propaganda in the enlistment of Africans and African Americans for the Second World War. Among other things, the discussion captures on the interwar years and emphasizes the subtleties of African American Pan-Africanist discourses as a counterweight to Black oppression encountered in the racialized spaces of Jim Crow America, colonized Africa, and the pugnacious infraction that was the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–1936. Tying up the implications of these events into the broader global politics of 1939–1945 establishes the background in which the Allied Powers sought after Black people’s support in the war against the Axis Powers. Recalling that Italy’s fascist leader Benito Mussolini attacked Ethiopia in 1935 with poisonous gas while the League of Nations refused to act, points to the barefaced conflation of race and propaganda in the Great War and the centrality of African and African Diaspora exertions in the conflict.


The destruction of Japan’s empire in August 1945 under the military onslaught of the Allied Powers produced a powerful rupture in the histories of modern East Asia. Everywhere imperial ruins from Manchuria to Taiwan bore memoires of a great run of upheavals and wars which in turn produced revolutionary uprisings and civil wars from China to Korea. The end of global Second World War did not bring peace and stability to East Asia. Power did not simply change hands swiftly and smoothly. Rather the disintegration of Japan’s imperium inaugurated a era of unprecedented bloodletting, state destruction, state creation, and reinvention of international order. In the ruins of Japan’s New Order, legal anarchy, personal revenge, ethnic displacement, and nationalist resentments were the crucible for decades of violence. As the circuits of empire went into meltdown in 1945, questions over the continuity of state and law, ideologies and the troubled inheritance of the Japanese empire could no longer be suppressed. In the Ruins of the Japanese Empire takes a transnational lens to this period, concluding that we need to write the violence of empire’s end – and empire itself - back into the global history of East Asia’s Cold War.


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