The Changing Confidence Relationship Between the UK Executive and Parliament in Comparative Context

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Schleiter ◽  
Georgina Evans

Abstract Executive–legislative relations in the UK are undergoing a process of transformation, and the confidence relationship is part of that change. The confidence relationship not only ensures that the executive is responsible to the legislature, but it also structures bargaining between government and the legislature via the parliament-initiated vote of no confidence and the executive-invoked vote of confidence. The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 changes this relationship by removing from the prime minister the power to call an early election should confidence be lost, and by introducing one formal way of wording no-confidence and confidence motions. We place these changes in comparative context, showing that they strengthen parliament vis-à-vis the government, and discuss their implications against the background of contemporary constitutional practice in developed parliamentary democracies, medium-term electoral and political trends in the UK, and the 2019 Brexit deadlock.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.


Author(s):  
Ananieva Elena

Prime Minister T. May has put forward the concept of "Global Britain". After the United Kingdom had left the EU, the concept was formalized under the government of Boris Johnson in the document “Integrated Review of Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy "Global Britain in a Competitive Age"”. The article presents an analysis of its goals, methods and practical implementation. Britain, realizing itself as a "middle power", intends to build a system of alliances to counter China and Russia, the latter designated as an ”acute direct threat” to the UK.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart James Turnbull-Dugarte

Snap elections, those triggered by incumbents in advance of their original date in the electoral calendar, are a common feature of parliamentary democracies. In this paper we ask: do snap elections influence citizens' trust in the government? Theoretically, we argue that providing citizens with an additional means of endorsing or rejecting the incumbent - giving voters a chance to ''have their say'' - can be interpreted by citizens as normatively desirable and demonstrative of the incumbents desire to legitimise their agenda by (re)-invigorating their political mandate. Leveraging the quasi-experimental setting provided by the coincidental timing of the UK Prime Minister, Theresa May's, shock announcement of early elections in April 2017 with the fieldwork for the Eurobarometer survey, we demonstrate that the announcement of snap elections has a sizeable and significant positive effect on political trust. These, on average, positive effects, however, mask asymmetric responses among citizens. Whilst eurosceptics and voters on the right of the ideological spectrum - those most inclined to support the incumbent May-led Conservative government - became more trusting, no such changes in trust were observed amongst left-wing or non-eurosceptic respondents. Our study advances the understanding of a relatively understudied yet not uncommon political phenomenon, providing causal evidence that snap elections have implications for political trust.


Author(s):  
J. Hudson

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).


Significance The UK government’s landslide election victory in 2019 has given Prime Minister Boris Johnson room to pursue an agenda for governance that targets institutions such as the Supreme Court and the Electoral Commission. The government has also ignored the recommendations of ethics bodies and appointed to key positions individuals with close personal ties to the ruling Conservative Party. Impacts The government’s agenda risks attracting increasingly questionable sources of offshore political money and support. The institutional agenda to remove constitutional constraints and reform the civil service will likely resume after COVID-19. The successful roll-out of the COVID-19 vaccination would likely boost public confidence in the UK government.


2011 ◽  
pp. 172-178
Author(s):  
John Hudson

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).


2020 ◽  
pp. 29-57
Author(s):  
Stephen Wall

Post-war Labour and Conservative governments saw the UK’s global interests as lying primarily with the United States and the Commonwealth. They took no part in the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community or in the proposed European Defence Community, though, when the EDC idea foundered, Prime Minister Anthony Eden played a prominent role in promoting European defence, just as Labour Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin had done in fostering the establishment of NATO. The British sent only an observer to the Messina Conference (1956) that negotiated the terms of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Community (EEC). The UK set up its own trading bloc (EFTA) but it could not compete politically or economically with the EEC and, in 1961, the government of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan applied for EEC membership, despite the opposition of France’s President de Gaulle.


Subject Middle-class economic and political aspirations. Significance Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government came to power in 2014 with strong support from middle-class voters, drawn by his development and good governance rhetoric. This promised to move stalled middle-class aspirations forward, after the economy slowed from 2011. Whether Modi can deliver on his promises of a revived economy and middle-class employment opportunities will determine his government's political fortunes in the medium term. A secure middle class able to spend and invest is also key to reviving the economy. Impacts Manufacturing has the greatest job-creation potential, but the government has yet to advance a concrete strategy to achieve this. Growth of middle-class jobs in service industries is likely to become even more regionally skewed. Middle-class voters frustrated with national parties will switch allegiances, scuppering BJP hopes for one-party dominance.


Significance The pandemic has strengthened Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s position in the short term. However, the government has done little on the economic front; a conservative stimulus package raises doubts that a lasting downturn can be averted and is driving medium-term risks to ruling Fidesz’s position. Impacts Tensions within the European People’s Party over Fidesz will deepen, but probably not lead to the party’s exclusion. China’s soft power will be boosted as its role in combating the virus is contrasted with Western indecisiveness. Large multinational manufacturing and services firms could penetrate the economy further but may not be able to drive a quick rebound.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimiter Toshkov ◽  
Lars Mäder ◽  
Anne Rasmussen

AbstractDoes party government moderate the responsiveness of public policy to public opinion? Analysing a new dataset, we examine whether the ability of governments to respond to the public on 306 specific policy issues in Denmark, Germany and the UK is affected by the extent of coalition conflict and by the fit of the considered policy changes with the government preferences. We find a systematic but relatively weak positive impact of public support on the likelihood and speed of policy change. Contrary to expectations, a higher number of coalition partners are not associated with fewer policy changes nor with weaker responsiveness to public opinion. We also find no evidence that responsiveness to public opinion is necessarily weaker for policy changes that go against the preferences of the government. Rather, it appears that public and government support for policy change are substitute resources.


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