O’Neill, Michelle, Member (SF) Mid-Ulster, Northern Ireland Assembly, since 2007; Leader, Sinn Féin, since 2017

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Mathew Whiting

When Sinn Féin and the IRA emerged in Northern Ireland in 1969 they used a combination of revolutionary politics and violence to an effort to overthrow British rule. Today, the IRA is in a state of ‘retirement’, violence is a tactic of the past, and Sinn Féin is a co-ruler of Northern Ireland and an ever growing political player in the Republic of Ireland. This is one of the most startling transformations of a radical violent movement into a peaceful political one in recent times. So what exactly changed within Irish republicanism, what remains the same, and, crucially, what caused these changes? Where existing studies explain the decision to end violence as the product of stalemate or strategic interplay with the British state, this book draws on a wealth of archival material and interviews to argue that moderation was a long-term process of increasing inclusion and contact with political institutions, which gradually extracted moderate concessions from republicanism. Crucially, these concessions did not necessitate republicans forsaking their long-term ethno-national goals. The book also considers the wider implications of Irish republicanism for other cases of separatist conflict, and has significance for the future study of state responses to violent separatism and of comparative peace processes.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Evershed ◽  
Mary C Murphy

In this article we critically examine how Sinn Féin responded to Brexit, why, and with what consequences. By destabilising the UK’s territorial constitution and intensifying debate about Ireland’s constitutional future, Brexit has represented a moment of unprecedented opportunity for Irish republicanism. However, this has been offset by the very real political and economic risks it has posed for the island of Ireland. We argue that Sinn Féin’s pursuit of ‘Special Status’ for Northern Ireland represented an attempt to mitigate Brexit’s risks, rather than to leverage its opportunities. This approach came with political costs for the party, whose recent electoral surge has arguably been in spite of rather than because of it. We demonstrate how Brexit has served to reshape Sinn Féin’s politics, and how it has functioned to further moderate its ‘Eurocriticism’.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

Sinn Féin’s far reaching commitment to activist materials since the late 1960s included a devotion to the newspapers An Phoblacht/ Republican News. It was almost quixotically committed to producing AP/ RN and the paper became a far-reaching organ of political identity. During the Hunger Strikes of 1980/ 81 it was the authentic voice of those on the protests. Later, during the reforms of Peace Process era it articulated the changes in policy. However, Sinn Féin activists were keen to develop a mainstream vehicle for the newly dominant and optimistic strand of republicanism, one that might compete against the media outlets that had been overtly critical and hostile towards the party dating back to the beginning of the Troubles. The Belfast Media Group whose primary paper, the Andersonstown News, became associated with articulating Sinn Féin’s position throughout the 1990s and 2000s launched the republican daily newspaper Daily Ireland in 2005 in competition with the Irish News, the paper that has traditionally captured sales among the nationalist population of Northern Ireland. It was an experiment in assessing how far the shifts in the cultural and political tectonic plates of nationalism played into the media consumption habits of the people.


Significance Ireland’s new leader succeeded Enda Kenny (2011-17) in June. Aged 38, openly gay and the son of an Indian immigrant, his election represents a generational change both for the ruling party and the executive. Impacts Government ambiguities over a Northern Ireland border plan could be exposed by the opposition, notably Sinn Fein. A proposed ban on public sector strikes by 'essential' workers could worsen relations between unions and government. A promise by Varadkar to reimburse households for controversial water charges by year-end may prove over-ambitious.


Significance Through a joint EU-UK committee, the NIP's purpose is to implement a regulatory and customs border between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom. Amid trade disruptions and the EU's aborted decision to suspend aspects of the NIP's operation on January 29, hard-line unionists are now calling for the protocol to be scrapped. Impacts David Frost's replacement of Michael Gove as co-chair of the joint EU-UK committee could see London harden its approach to the NIP. Victory for the nationalist Sinn Fein in elections in 2022, as polls suggest, could prompt unionists to collapse the governing institutions. Further civil unrest by loyalists opposed to the NIP could trigger counter-responses by nationalist groups.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES TILLEY ◽  
GEOFFREY EVANS ◽  
CLAIRE MITCHELL

Political cleavages are often understood as deriving from either deep-rooted social divisions or institutional incentives. Contemporary Northern Ireland provides a test of the mutability of apparently entrenched cleavages to institutional change. Research undertaken before the ceasefire in the 1990s found noticeable asymmetries in the patterns of cleavage within the unionist and nationalist blocs. Within the unionist bloc, economic ‘left–right’ issues formed the main ideological division between the two major unionist parties. This contrasted with an ethno-national source of ideological division between the two nationalist parties. However, the emergence of a consociational form of government structure since then has demonstrated the ability of institutional incentives to reform some aspects of party competition swiftly. As evidence of this, we show that between 1989 and 2004 there was little change in the sources of support for Sinn Féin relative to the SDLP, but the influence of left–right ideology within the unionist bloc was negated as the influence of ethno-nationalism dramatically increased.


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