Buzek, Jerzy Karol, (born 3 July 1940), Member (European People’s Party Group), European Parliament, since 2004 (President, 2009–12)

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262
Author(s):  
Maria CHIARA MATTESINI

‘Equal pay for equal work’, ‘Action against trafficking in human beings’ and the ‘Role of cooperatives in the growth of women's employment’ are those three im­portant battles carried out by the women at the European Parliament in the 1990s. They represent greater justice, more dignity, increased democracy. In particular, the article wants to remember the figure of Maria Paola Colombo Svevo, senator of the Italian Christian-Democratic Party, member of the European People's Party and member of the European Parliament between 1995 and 1999.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 844-859
Author(s):  
Nathalie Brack ◽  
Olivier Costa ◽  
Awenig Marié

As early as March 2020, the President of the European Parliament decided to shut down the assembly’s facilities in Brussels and to cancel the plenary sessions in Strasbourg . Impor­tant decisions were made to abandon in-person meetings, introduce teleworking for all staff, and implement remote deliberation and voting both in committees and in the plena­ry . The Rules of Procedure were adapted to formalize these organisational changes and make them ready for future crises . All in all, the European Parliament proved to be resilient and adaptive: it continued to discuss and adopt many legislative, budgetary, and non-legis­lative texts in the plenary . However, remote-work did have an impact on the political dynamics within Parliament . It was characterised by a very high level of consensus, as the result of a higher level of agreement between the two main party groups, the European People’s Party and the Socialists & Democrats . Those main groups also became much more cohesive .


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 344-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Snorre Sylvester Frid-Nielsen

This study examines speeches in the European Parliament relating to asylum. Conceptually, it tests hypotheses concerning the relation between national parties and Members of European Parliament. The computer-based content analysis method Wordfish is used to examine 876 speeches from 2004 to 2014, scaling Members of European Parliament along a unidimensional policy space. Debates on asylum predominantly concern positions for or against European Union security measures. Surprisingly, national party preferences for European Union integration were not the dominant factor. The strongest predictors of Members of European Parliament's positions are their national parties’ general ‘right-left’ preferences, and duration of European Union membership. Generally, Members of European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe and the European People's Party take up pro-security stances. Wordfish was effective and valid, confirming the relevance of automated content analysis for studying the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 10-16
Author(s):  
BORIS GUSELETOV ◽  

The article presents an analysis of the results of the 2019 elections of members of the European Parliament and the formation of a new composition of the European Commission. The question of how the balance of power has changed in the new Parliament between the traditionally leading parties of the European conservatives (European people's party) and socialists (Party of European socialists), on the one hand, and the other parties (Liberals, Greens, Communists, etc.), which traditionally play a secondary role, on the other. The results of the so-called eurosceptic parties, which in recent years have significantly increased their influence both at the European and national levels, are analyzed. It shows how the election results affected the distribution of leadership positions in the European Parliament itself, as well as their impact on the formation of the new composition of the European Commission. The article examines how the mechanism of interaction between the European Parliament and the European Council has changed during the formation of the European Commission and what impact these changes have on the prospects for future interaction between these institutions. In conclusion, the prospects for further development of the European Union are outlined, including the need to reform its political and socio-economic systems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. e74092
Author(s):  
Cristina Ares ◽  
Andrea Volkens

The Treaty of Lisbon was a milestone in the enduring process of empowerment of the European Parliament and its connections to the European Commission. This latest reform of the Treaties, in force since December 2009, placed the only supranational institution whose members are directly elected by all citizens of the EU (since 1979) on an equal footing with the Council as a co-legislator in around thirty additional policy areas. The Treaty of Lisbon also strengthened the European Parliament in terms of the annual and multiannual budgetary decisions, and it granted it the right to elect the President of the European Commission according to the results of the European elections. This article examines various possible effects of this major boost of the European Parliament, along with links to the European Commission in the manifestos issued by five European parties: the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), European Free Alliance (EFA), European Green Party (European Greens or EGP), European People’s Party (EPP), and Party of European Socialists (PES). It studies variations from 2004 onwards in the scope of the programmatic proposals regarding EU domains of power, the footprint in the manifestos of the transnational party organisations themselves, and eventually also of their candidates for the presidency of the European Commission. To do so, the twenty manifestos issued by the abovementioned parties for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 European elections were content analysed. The results point to the lasting distance between these transnational parties and the European elections, despite the reinforcement of the role of the European Parliament over time.


Subject The EP vote to invoke Article 7 against Hungary. Significance The European Parliament (EP) move to set rule-of-law sanctions in motion against Hungary was long in the brewing. A blow to ruling Fidesz, it highlights its increasing isolation in Europe, even within its own EP group, the European People’s Party (EPP). Impacts EPP leaders will come under more pressure, as the election campaign weaponises their relationship with Fidesz. With Article 7 and migration likely to top voters’ agenda, the opposition will have difficulty making its case in the campaign. The possible cut to cohesion funds in the next EU budget cycle will make investors into Hungary and the whole region more cautious. As the European political spectrum becomes more polarised, any lingering cohesion within the Visegrad group is likely to dissipate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-187
Author(s):  
Lise Esther Herman ◽  
Julian Hoerner ◽  
Joseph Lacey

AbstractOver the last decade, the EU’s fundamental values have been under threat at the national level, in particular among several Central and Eastern European states that joined the EU since 2004. During this time, the European People’s Party (EPP) has been criticized for its unwillingness to vote for measures that would sanction the Hungarian Fidesz government, one of its members, in breach of key democratic principles since 2010. In this paper, we seek to understand how cohesive the EPP group has been on fundamental values-related votes, how the position of EPP MEPs on these issues has evolved over time, and what explains intra-EPP disagreement on whether to accommodate fundamental values violators within the EU. To address these questions, we analyse the votes of EPP MEPs across 24 resolutions on the protection of EU fundamental values between 2011 and 2019. Our findings reveal below-average EPP cohesion on these votes, and a sharp increase in the tendency of EPP MEPs to support these resolutions over time. A number of factors explain the disagreements we find. While the EPP’s desire to maintain Fidesz within its ranks is central, this explanation does not offer a comprehensive account of the group’s accommodative behaviour. In particular, we find that ideological factors as well as the strategic interests of national governments at the EU level are central to understanding the positions of EPP MEPs, as well as the evolution of these positions over time. These results further our understanding of the nature of the obstacles to EU sanctions in fundamental values abuse cases, and the role of partisanship in fuelling EU inaction especially.


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