Wilkins Lecture - Robert Hooke

Science in England in the latter part of the seventeenth century is overshadowed by the mighty name of Newton, who has justly received the praises of all the great natural philosophers who came after him. In that springtime of science there were, however, in England a number of other men of genius who carried out work of prime importance—Robert Boyle; John Wallis and Isaac Barrow; Flamsteed and Halley; Willughby and Ray ; Sydenham and Glisson; and Robert Hooke. Of these Robert Hooke has good claims to be considered the greatest. Probably the most inventive man who ever lived, and one of the ablest experimenters, he had a most acute mind and made astonishingly correct conjectures, based on reason, in all branches of physics. Physics, however, was far from being his only field: he is the founder of scientific meteorology; as an astronomer he has observations of great significance to his credit; he did fundamental work on combustion and respiration; he was one of the founders of modern geology. He has, moreover, a particular claim to the attention and respect of our Society, for from 1662 to 1677 he held the office of Curator and from 1677 to 1682 he was one of our Secretaries. He was always indefatigable in his services to the Society, and for a period he produced new experiments or discoveries at practically every meeting. Most writers who have really studied his work have given Hooke enthusiastic praise, yet, on account of certain difficulties of character—difficulties which he was not the only one to possess—his name does not seem to be honoured as it should be among men of science in general. No one has ever devoted a book to his life and achievements,* but he has been made the subject of casual and ill-considered criticism. It therefore seemed to me that it would be altogether fitting that I should attempt to recall to you something about this extraordinary man; about his services to science and his services to our Society. Robert Hooke was born at Freshwater, in the Isle of Wight, on 18 July 1635, his father being curate of the parish. Aubrey says that his father was one of the family of the Hookes of Hooke in Hants. Hooke was thus seven years older than Newton, a fact which probably had some influence on the relations between the two men. Like Newton he was a weakly child, but whereas Newton grew up strong and straight, Hooke was never physically sound. We have a description of him from Richard Waller, who was Secretary of our Society from 1687 to 1709 (as well as again at a later period) and must have known him well. He tells us that as to his person he was but despicable, which recalls Samuel Pepys’ entry for 15 February 1664/5, where, after telling us that he was that day admitted to the Royal Society 'by signing a book and being taken by the hand of the President, my Lord Brouncker, and some words of admittance said to me’, he adds, ‘Above all, Mr Boyle was at the meeting, and above him Mr Hooke, who is the most, and promises the least, of any man in the world that ever I saw.’ Hooke was very bent and crooked, but told Waller that he was straight until he was about 16, when he grew, awry by working at the lathe. Hooke, who left some notes about his early life, also said that as a boy he was very sprightly and active in running and leaping ‘tho ’ very weak as to any robust Exercise ’. ‘ He went ’, says Waller, ‘ stooping and very fast having but a light Body to carry and a great deal of Spirits and Activity, especially in his Youth.’ He was also, one gathers, meanly ugly, very pale and lean: ‘ His Eyes grey and full, with a sharp ingenious Look whilst younger; his Nose but thin, of moderate height and length; his Mouth meanly wide and upper Lip thin; his Chin sharp and Forehead large.... He wore his own Hair of a dark Brown colour, very long and hanging neglected over his Face, uncut and lank.’ Aubrey, who seems to have been his close friend and most anxious to speak well of him—he says that he was a person ‘ of great suavity and goodness ’—also records that he was something crooked, that his head was large but the lower part of his face little and that his grey eyes were ‘ full and popping ’. I think it important that you should know something of his appearance and great physical disabilities, and I quote so fully from the descriptions of those that knew him because I can say with some confidence that there is no known portrait of any kind of him, although in his diary* he seems to suggest that one Bonus (usually spelt Bownest), a known artist, drew his picture. It is one of my ambitions to find that picture.

1950 ◽  
Vol 137 (887) ◽  
pp. 153-187 ◽  

Science in England in the latter part of the seventeenth century is overshadowed by the mighty name of Newton, who has justly received the praises of all the great natural philosophers who came after him. In that springtime of science there were, however, in England a number of other men of genius who carried out work of prime importance—Robert Boyle; John Wallis and Isaac Barrow: Flamsteed and Halley; Willughby and Ray; Sydenham and Glisson; and Robert Hooke. Of these Robert Hooke has good claims to be considered the greatest. Probably the most inventive man who ever lived, and one of the ablest experimenters, he had a most acute mind and made astonishingly correct conjectures, based on reason, in all branches of physics. Physics, however, was far from being his only field: he is the founder of scientific meteorology; as an astronomer he has observations of great significance to his credit; he did fundamental work on combustion and respiration; he was one of the founders of modern geology. He has, moreover, a particular claim to the attention and respect of our Society, for from 1662 to 1677 he held the office of Curator and from 1677 to 1682 he was one of our Secretaries. He was always indefatigable in his services to the Society, and for a period he produced new experiments or discoveries at practically every meeting. Most writers who have really studied his work have given Hooke enthusiastic praise, yet, on account of certain difficulties of character—difficulties which he was not the only one to possess his name does not seem to be honoured as it should be among men of science in general. No one has ever devoted a book to his fife and achievements,* but he has been made the subject of casual and ill-considered criticism. It therefore seemed to me that it would be altogether fitting that I should attempt to recall to you something about this extraordinary man; about his services to science and his services to our Society.


Author(s):  
Erin Webster

The Curious Eye explores early modern debates over two related questions: what are the limits of human vision, and to what extent can these limits be overcome by technological enhancement? Today, in our everyday lives we rely on optical technology to provide us with information about visually remote spaces even as we question the efficacy and ethics of such pursuits. But the debates surrounding the subject of technologically mediated vision have their roots in a much older literary tradition in which the ability to see beyond the limits of natural human vision is associated with philosophical and spiritual insight as well as social and political control. The Curious Eye provides insight into the subject of optically mediated vision by returning to the literature of the seventeenth century, the historical moment in which human visual capacity in the West was first extended through the application of optical technologies to the eye. Bringing imaginative literary works by Francis Bacon, John Milton, Margaret Cavendish, and Aphra Behn together with optical and philosophical treatises by Johannes Kepler, René Descartes, Robert Hooke, Robert Boyle, and Isaac Newton, The Curious Eye explores the social and intellectual impact of the new optical technologies of the seventeenth century on its literature. At the same time, it demonstrates that social, political, and literary concerns are not peripheral to the optical science of the period but rather an integral part of it, the legacy of which we continue to experience.


Author(s):  
Tita Chico

Natural philosophy in the long eighteenth century connoted a sense of modernity and enlightenment, attributes that bound science to meanings in excess of its practice and consumption. The pliancy of science as a trope finds support in reflections on language as a scientific tool by Robert Boyle, Robert Hooke, and other natural philosophers. The two dominant technologies of the experimental imagination are the observed particular and the modest witness. Observed particulars of empirical study are those nuggets of data that disclose themselves and, in their revelation, produce knowledge. The modest witness is the individual who is objective by virtue of erasing himself through his privilege. Tropes are literary tools that not only enable practitioners to describe scientific findings, but also enable an even more fundamental component of experimentalism: literariness makes possible the conceptualization of scientific findings and the individual who produces them.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (4-6) ◽  
pp. 562-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Marie Roos

Before Newton’s seminal work on the spectrum, seventeenth-century English natural philosophers such as Robert Boyle, Robert Hooke, Nehemiah Grew and Robert Plot attributed the phenomenon of color in the natural world to salts and saline chymistry. They rejected Aristotelian ideas that color was related to the object’s hot and cold qualities, positing instead that saline principles governed color and color changes in flora, fauna and minerals. In our study, we also characterize to what extent chymistry was a basic analytical tool for seventeenth-century English natural historians.



When the Royal Society was founded in 1660, its initiators were far from being young men, as one would expect remembering that the long-lived John Wallis (1616-1703) gave its origins as lying in meetings begun as long before as 1645. Fifteen years after that date, most of its founders were, in 1660, well on in their 40s; even among the original Fellows of 1663 the youngest were Christopher Wren (38 in 1660), Robert Boyle (33) and William Croone (27), nor were the first recruits to the new, formal Society younger. Hence it is not surprising that the next 20 years saw the loss through death of the majority of them, nor that those who survived into the 1680s slowly withdrew from active participation in the meetings. Even Robert Hooke, only 27 when appointed Curator of Experiments in 1662, was by 1680 well on in years by 17th-century usage, and reasonably more interested in his various professional activities than anxious to labour at performing repetitions of experiments for the edification of fellow-members.


2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhodri Lewis

Summary In the aftermath of the publication of John Wilkins’s Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language (1668), the Royal Society established a committee to consider and develop Wilkins’s proposals, whose members included Seth Ward (1617–89), Robert Hooke (1635–1703), Robert Boyle (1627–1691), John Wallis (1616–1703), John Ray (1627–1705), Christopher Wren (1632–1723) and William Holder (1616–1698). Despite the fact that this committee never reported, work on the Essay did continue, with many of the individual members conducting a detailed correspondence, marshalled by John Aubrey (1626–1697). In addition to the members of the original Royal Society committee, this group’s participants included Francis Lodwick (1619–1694), the Somerset clergyman Andrew Paschall (c.1630–c.1696), and Thomas Pigott (1657–1686), fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. The correspondents could not, however, agree on the best means of advancing the Essay, with the principal bone of contention being the ideas of Seth Ward. Thus, their efforts were eventually fruitless. This article traces the activities of this group and the intellectual milieu in which the revision of Wilkins’s Essay took place.


Liquidity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-52
Author(s):  
M. Koesmawan ◽  
Darwin Erhandy ◽  
Dede Dahlan

In order to meet the needs of living which consists of primary as well as secondary needs, human can work in either a formal or an informal job. One of the informal jobs that is became the subject of this research was to become an ojek driver. Ojek is a ranting motorcycle.  Revenue of ojek drivers, accordingly, should be well managed following the concept of financial management. This research was conducted for the driver of the online motorcycle drivers as well as the regular motorcycle drivers they are called “The Ojek”. Ojek’s location is in Kecamatan (subdistrict) Duren Sawit, East Jakarta with 70 drivers of ojeks. The online ojeks earn an average of Rp 100,000 per day, can save Rp 11,000 to 21,000 per day, while, the regular ojek has an average income per day slightly lower amounted to Rp 78,500, this kind of ojeks generally have other businesses and always record the outflow of theirs money. Both the online and regular ojeks feel a tight competition in getting passengers, but their income can help the family finances and both ojeks want a cooperative especially savings and loans, especially to overcome the urgent financial difficulties. Almost all rivers, do not dare to borrow money. They are afraid of can not refund the money as scheduled.


Author(s):  
Susan Mitchell Sommers

This chapter introduces the family: father Edmund, a shoemaker turned bookseller, and his three or four wives, their social and religious status, questions of literacy and formal education. The children are introduced more or less in their birth order: Kezia, Ebenezer, Manoah, Job, and Charity. The difficulties of tracing women is discussed. Particular attention is paid to Kezia, who was the subject of one of Ebenezer’s astrological cases, and Charity, who left a decades-long trail through official records, marking her as one of the most economically savvy members of the family. Since many of the Sibly men took shorthand, there is a brief discussion of contemporary shorthand uses, accuracy, and to what extent shorthand takers preserved the voice of the speaker. Ebenezer’s daughter Urania is also introduced, though like Ebenezer and Manoah, she has her own chapter later in the work


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Zanfi ◽  
Chiara Merlini ◽  
Viviana Giavarini ◽  
Fabio Manfredini

AbstractThe ‘family house’ has played a major role within the urbanisation processes that have been transforming the Italian landscape since the 1960s. It is a common feature of the widespread settlements that are part of what has been labelled the ‘diffuse city’ and was the subject of numerous studies during the 1990s. More than 20 years later, this paper returns to the topic of the Italian family house using a renewed methodological approach to describe relevant changes. The hypothesis here is that in order to grasp the tensions affecting ‘family houses’ in today’s context of demographic transition and increased imbalances between dynamic and declining areas, and to contemplate their future, the qualitative gaze adopted by scholars in the 1990s must be integrated with other investigative tools, focusing on demographic change, uses, and the property values of buildings. Using this perspective, the paper provides a series of ‘portraits’ rooted in four meaningful territorial contexts, portraits which may help scholars to redefine their imagery associated with family house and be useful for dedicated building policies.


1955 ◽  
Vol 87 (9) ◽  
pp. 382-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Rivard

In studies of sawflies, the family Pamphiliidae has been much neglected especially from the morphological stand point. Yuasa (1922) made a study of the larvae, but the genus Cephalcia was dealt with rather briefly. Ross (1937) and Benson (1945) made comparative morphological studies of the adults and showed the phylogenetic position of the family. More recently, Middlekauff (1953) published a description of Cephalcia marginata, a pine web-spinning sawfly which was the subject of the present study.


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