scholarly journals The Saline Chymistry of Color in Seventeenth-Century English Natural History

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (4-6) ◽  
pp. 562-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Marie Roos

Before Newton’s seminal work on the spectrum, seventeenth-century English natural philosophers such as Robert Boyle, Robert Hooke, Nehemiah Grew and Robert Plot attributed the phenomenon of color in the natural world to salts and saline chymistry. They rejected Aristotelian ideas that color was related to the object’s hot and cold qualities, positing instead that saline principles governed color and color changes in flora, fauna and minerals. In our study, we also characterize to what extent chymistry was a basic analytical tool for seventeenth-century English natural historians.


1950 ◽  
Vol 137 (887) ◽  
pp. 153-187 ◽  

Science in England in the latter part of the seventeenth century is overshadowed by the mighty name of Newton, who has justly received the praises of all the great natural philosophers who came after him. In that springtime of science there were, however, in England a number of other men of genius who carried out work of prime importance—Robert Boyle; John Wallis and Isaac Barrow: Flamsteed and Halley; Willughby and Ray; Sydenham and Glisson; and Robert Hooke. Of these Robert Hooke has good claims to be considered the greatest. Probably the most inventive man who ever lived, and one of the ablest experimenters, he had a most acute mind and made astonishingly correct conjectures, based on reason, in all branches of physics. Physics, however, was far from being his only field: he is the founder of scientific meteorology; as an astronomer he has observations of great significance to his credit; he did fundamental work on combustion and respiration; he was one of the founders of modern geology. He has, moreover, a particular claim to the attention and respect of our Society, for from 1662 to 1677 he held the office of Curator and from 1677 to 1682 he was one of our Secretaries. He was always indefatigable in his services to the Society, and for a period he produced new experiments or discoveries at practically every meeting. Most writers who have really studied his work have given Hooke enthusiastic praise, yet, on account of certain difficulties of character—difficulties which he was not the only one to possess his name does not seem to be honoured as it should be among men of science in general. No one has ever devoted a book to his fife and achievements,* but he has been made the subject of casual and ill-considered criticism. It therefore seemed to me that it would be altogether fitting that I should attempt to recall to you something about this extraordinary man; about his services to science and his services to our Society.


Author(s):  
Erin Webster

The Curious Eye explores early modern debates over two related questions: what are the limits of human vision, and to what extent can these limits be overcome by technological enhancement? Today, in our everyday lives we rely on optical technology to provide us with information about visually remote spaces even as we question the efficacy and ethics of such pursuits. But the debates surrounding the subject of technologically mediated vision have their roots in a much older literary tradition in which the ability to see beyond the limits of natural human vision is associated with philosophical and spiritual insight as well as social and political control. The Curious Eye provides insight into the subject of optically mediated vision by returning to the literature of the seventeenth century, the historical moment in which human visual capacity in the West was first extended through the application of optical technologies to the eye. Bringing imaginative literary works by Francis Bacon, John Milton, Margaret Cavendish, and Aphra Behn together with optical and philosophical treatises by Johannes Kepler, René Descartes, Robert Hooke, Robert Boyle, and Isaac Newton, The Curious Eye explores the social and intellectual impact of the new optical technologies of the seventeenth century on its literature. At the same time, it demonstrates that social, political, and literary concerns are not peripheral to the optical science of the period but rather an integral part of it, the legacy of which we continue to experience.


John Locke and Robert Boyle first met at some time before May 1660 but do not seem to have become closely acquainted until 1664 when they were both in Oxford. 1 Locke’s notebooks for 1664-67 contain many short entries ending ‘Mr.Boyle’, which appear to be details that Locke received from Boyle personally. 2 In his work, Boyle relied on various assistants, quite apart from craftsmen like glass-blowers and blacksmiths, who ranged from his amanuensis, needed because of his poor sight, and his servants who watched experiments through the night, to skilled collaborators like Robert Hooke. 3 In addition, Boyle was in touch with independent workers, notably Richard Lower whose name appears in Locke’s notebooks some time before Boyle’s; 4 and Dewhurst suggested that Locke was also a member of this group. 5 It is certainly true that Locke provided Boyle with barometric and meteorological readings about this time and that 21 of his headings for the ‘chymicall Analysis’ of blood are related to Boyle’s 46 headings in his Memoirs for the Natural History of Human Blood (1683/4). 6 But it is going too far to conclude from Locke’s practical notes on blood that he was then acting as Boyle’s assistant. Those notes come from Bodleian MS. Locke f.25. What they describe are not ‘experiments’ done by Locke, Boyle or anyone else. They are a record of the practical work Locke did when he attended a course of lectures in 1666 which were given by Peter Stahl, the German chemist brought by Boyle to Oxford in 1659.


Author(s):  
Tita Chico

Natural philosophy in the long eighteenth century connoted a sense of modernity and enlightenment, attributes that bound science to meanings in excess of its practice and consumption. The pliancy of science as a trope finds support in reflections on language as a scientific tool by Robert Boyle, Robert Hooke, and other natural philosophers. The two dominant technologies of the experimental imagination are the observed particular and the modest witness. Observed particulars of empirical study are those nuggets of data that disclose themselves and, in their revelation, produce knowledge. The modest witness is the individual who is objective by virtue of erasing himself through his privilege. Tropes are literary tools that not only enable practitioners to describe scientific findings, but also enable an even more fundamental component of experimentalism: literariness makes possible the conceptualization of scientific findings and the individual who produces them.


The demand and search for the scientific literature of the past has grown enormously in the last twenty years. In an age as conscious as ours of the significance of science to mankind, some scientists naturally turned their thoughts to the origins of science as we know it, how scientific theories grew and how discoveries were made. Both institutions and individual scientists partake in these interests and form collections of books necessary for their study. How did their predecessors fare in this respect? They, of course, formed their libraries at a time when books were easy to find—and cheap. But what did they select for their particular reading? For example, what did the libraries of the three greatest scientists of the seventeenth century, Sir Isaac Newton, Robert Hooke and Robert Boyle, look like? Fortunately in the case of Newton, the history of his books is now fairly clear, thanks to the devoted labours of Colonel R . de Villamil (i), but it is a sad reflection on our attitude to our great intellectual leaders that this library o f the greatest English scientist, whose work changed the world for hundreds of years, was not taken care of, was, in fact, forgotten and at times entirely neglected.


Author(s):  
Margaret J. M. Ezell

An overview of the founding of the Royal Society of London and early members, including Robert Hooke, Isaac Newton, John Wilkins, Robert Boyle, and Henry Oldenburg, who first published the Philosophical Transactions. In addition to the creation and improvement of scientific instruments, including microscopes and telescopes, as recorded by their historian Thomas Sprat, the members of the Royal Society wished to create a language of science free from distorting images and metaphor and to base science on empirical experiments and direct observation. Although challenged by many for promoting an atheist understanding of the natural world, members such as Robert Boyle defended science as complementary with theology. The Society promoted publications and established networks of scientific correspondence to include members outside London and on the Continent.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-50
Author(s):  
Michael W. Davidson

Robert Hooke was a brilliant British experimental and theoretical scientist who lived and worked in London during the seventeenth century. As a child, Hooke suffered from a devastating case of smallpox that left him physically and emotionally scarred for the rest of his life. He was born the son of a minister on July 18, 1635, at Freshwater, on the Isle of Wight. Hooke's father, John Hooke, took an active role in Robert's early education until he entered the Westminster School at the age of thirteen following his father's suicide. After graduating Westminster in 1648, Hooke first conducted an apprenticeship with artist Sir Peter Lely and then entered Oxford University where he met and studied under some of the greatest scientists in England. Hooke eventually became a paid assistant for Robert Boyle and helped develop a working air pump. He remained in Boyle's laboratory until 1662 when he was made curator of experiments for the Royal Society of London, a job that entailed demonstration of scientific equipment and experimental procedures during weekly meetings of the entire society.


Science in England in the latter part of the seventeenth century is overshadowed by the mighty name of Newton, who has justly received the praises of all the great natural philosophers who came after him. In that springtime of science there were, however, in England a number of other men of genius who carried out work of prime importance—Robert Boyle; John Wallis and Isaac Barrow; Flamsteed and Halley; Willughby and Ray ; Sydenham and Glisson; and Robert Hooke. Of these Robert Hooke has good claims to be considered the greatest. Probably the most inventive man who ever lived, and one of the ablest experimenters, he had a most acute mind and made astonishingly correct conjectures, based on reason, in all branches of physics. Physics, however, was far from being his only field: he is the founder of scientific meteorology; as an astronomer he has observations of great significance to his credit; he did fundamental work on combustion and respiration; he was one of the founders of modern geology. He has, moreover, a particular claim to the attention and respect of our Society, for from 1662 to 1677 he held the office of Curator and from 1677 to 1682 he was one of our Secretaries. He was always indefatigable in his services to the Society, and for a period he produced new experiments or discoveries at practically every meeting. Most writers who have really studied his work have given Hooke enthusiastic praise, yet, on account of certain difficulties of character—difficulties which he was not the only one to possess—his name does not seem to be honoured as it should be among men of science in general. No one has ever devoted a book to his life and achievements,* but he has been made the subject of casual and ill-considered criticism. It therefore seemed to me that it would be altogether fitting that I should attempt to recall to you something about this extraordinary man; about his services to science and his services to our Society. Robert Hooke was born at Freshwater, in the Isle of Wight, on 18 July 1635, his father being curate of the parish. Aubrey says that his father was one of the family of the Hookes of Hooke in Hants. Hooke was thus seven years older than Newton, a fact which probably had some influence on the relations between the two men. Like Newton he was a weakly child, but whereas Newton grew up strong and straight, Hooke was never physically sound. We have a description of him from Richard Waller, who was Secretary of our Society from 1687 to 1709 (as well as again at a later period) and must have known him well. He tells us that as to his person he was but despicable, which recalls Samuel Pepys’ entry for 15 February 1664/5, where, after telling us that he was that day admitted to the Royal Society 'by signing a book and being taken by the hand of the President, my Lord Brouncker, and some words of admittance said to me’, he adds, ‘Above all, Mr Boyle was at the meeting, and above him Mr Hooke, who is the most, and promises the least, of any man in the world that ever I saw.’ Hooke was very bent and crooked, but told Waller that he was straight until he was about 16, when he grew, awry by working at the lathe. Hooke, who left some notes about his early life, also said that as a boy he was very sprightly and active in running and leaping ‘tho ’ very weak as to any robust Exercise ’. ‘ He went ’, says Waller, ‘ stooping and very fast having but a light Body to carry and a great deal of Spirits and Activity, especially in his Youth.’ He was also, one gathers, meanly ugly, very pale and lean: ‘ His Eyes grey and full, with a sharp ingenious Look whilst younger; his Nose but thin, of moderate height and length; his Mouth meanly wide and upper Lip thin; his Chin sharp and Forehead large.... He wore his own Hair of a dark Brown colour, very long and hanging neglected over his Face, uncut and lank.’ Aubrey, who seems to have been his close friend and most anxious to speak well of him—he says that he was a person ‘ of great suavity and goodness ’—also records that he was something crooked, that his head was large but the lower part of his face little and that his grey eyes were ‘ full and popping ’. I think it important that you should know something of his appearance and great physical disabilities, and I quote so fully from the descriptions of those that knew him because I can say with some confidence that there is no known portrait of any kind of him, although in his diary* he seems to suggest that one Bonus (usually spelt Bownest), a known artist, drew his picture. It is one of my ambitions to find that picture.


Author(s):  
Pablo F. Gómez

The chapter examines the fundamental transformations to ways of knowing the natural world effected by black ritual practitioners in the seventeenth-century Caribbean. During this pivotal period, black Mohanes led an epistemological revolution in which the experiential replaced first principles as the basis for Caribbean ways of knowing truths about the natural world. Experientially based forms of producing and consuming medical knowledge proved essential to the creation of Atlantic nodes of knowledge production in spaces like Cartagena. Black Caribbean epistemological spaces in which the experiential overcame old dogma, even if experientially-based, were conspicuously located outside the boundaries that natural philosophers defined.In the early modern Caribbean a heterogeneous group of ritual practitioners of African descent arriving from Europe, Africa, and the New World experimented with new materials they found in the Americas and formulated material, conceptual, and social practices based on Caribbean experiential findings that they designed to interpret and establish authority over a natural world that encompassed the moral and the spiritual. As the chapter shows here, black ritual practitioners’ ways of knowing the natural world and bodies were intrinsically related to the development of novel Caribbean experientially based ways of articulating the nature of truth.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Meera Muralidharan

<p>The Malabar Coast of south-western India, presently comprising the modern state of Kerala, played a unique role in the history of Indian Ocean trade in the early modern period. Of the spices involved in expanding trade networks, the most important was pepper (Piper nigrum), indigenous to the region. Malabar’s fame as a garden of spices (prompting European authors to call it the Pepper Coast) attracted ships from Europe, Africa, Arabia and East Asia. The Portuguese trading company, Estado da India, was the sole European enterprise that traded in Malabar in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. However, in the seventeenth century, the Dutch challenged Portugal’s monopoly on trade. In 1663, the Dutch successfully captured the Portuguese settlements in Malabar including their major fort in Cochin. The Dutch remained in Malabar for the next hundred and thirty-two years after which the settlements passed to the English East India Company.  The primary motive behind European territorial expansion to Asia was not the production of knowledge; rather, trading networks required a detailed understanding of the natural world, especially its land, flora and fauna. By the late seventeenth century, the pursuit of knowledge, commerce and colonies, and a nascent patriotism were bound together. In this context, the present thesis examines the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie in Dutch) trade in Malabar. The thesis is set in the period between 1663 (when it first took over the territory from the Portuguese) and 1795 (when the Dutch possessions were usurped by the English East India Company). Two significant themes pursued in this context are how the VOC produced knowledge of the region, and how that knowledge-production relied heavily on patronage from the Dutch Republic as well as inputs from a variety of local actors in Malabar itself, as well as the Company’s other territories. Nowhere can these themes be better explained than in the synergistic relationship of the sciences of botany and cartography.   The study analyses a variety of works produced about Malabar. This includes the Hortus Malabaricus, a seventeenth-century botanical work, which is analysed in the context of the development of botany in the Dutch Republic and early modern European trade in medicinal plants. Alongside natural history works, the study examines the VOC maps, topographical plans, and surveys of forts and gardens in Malabar to understand why the Dutch enterprise in Malabar failed in the eighteenth century. While scientific botany reflected the European need to master the natural world, the science of cartography reflected the need to govern it. In contrast to the Golden image of the Republic (in the seventeenth century), arts and science were not effectively promoted by the Company administration. By re-examining and contextualising official and unofficial records of Dutch trading settlements in Asia, this thesis argues that contrary to dominant historiography, ‘science’ was not used as an effective tool by the Company in Malabar.  Using Susan Leigh Star and James R. Griesemer’s theory of ‘boundary objects’, the chapters in the thesis address the heterogeneity in Company knowledge-production. The first half of the thesis focuses on botanical knowledge-production and the many actors involved in the making of early modern natural history works. The second half of the thesis examines geographical and bureaucratic knowledge-production and a significant shift in the Company policies from trade to land revenue in the second half of the eighteenth century. By historicising how knowledge was produced, the thesis attempts to understand if ‘knowledge-making’ was crucial for ‘profit-making’ in Malabar. This thesis thereby explores the intersectional character of early modern knowledge-production.</p>


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