United Kingdom Doppler campaigns: field operations and instrumentation

Following an agreement between the Ordnance Survey and the University of Nottingham to cooperate in the field of satellite Doppler techniques, two observational campaigns were carried out in the United Kingdom. The first campaign, which was held in 1976, aimed at obtaining the geocentric Doppler coordinates of 13 stations forming part of the primary triangulation network of Great Britain. These were supplemented in 1978 by observations carried out by Decca Survey Ltd on seven additional stations which, together with the other 13 stations, covered the area of the whole network. The second major observational campaign was conducted in June 1978 and involved nine primary triangulation stations along the Edinburgh-Malvem-Dover precise traverse. These observations were carried out in order to test the accuracies that can be achieved by the ‘short arc’ technique. Details are given of the organization of the field observations, the equipment used and the logistics, concentrating on the precautions taken to avoid or minimize the effects of instrument malfunction and operator errors.

Author(s):  
E.A. Atapin

This paper proves that British Euroscepticism is not just a consequence of the peculiarities of the current political situation but the result of the centuries-old specific attitude of Great Britain to Europe as the other sociocultural space different in many senses from the United Kingdom. The roots of this attitude can be found in the English Reformation of the 16th century which rigidly opposed “British” Protestantism to “European” Catholicism. Several examples of historical events that have aggravated this religious and cultural rift are given. As a result, the British vision of Europeans shared by political elites as people with a different way of life, habits and traditions resulted in a sceptical attitude towards European integration and Britain's participation in it. The statements of famous British politicians regarding European integration and participation of Great Britain in it are cited to confirm the vision of Europe as “the Other” by the political elites of the United Kingdom. It is argued that British Euroscepticism is largely determined and inspired by cultural exceptionalism. Therefore, special attention is paid to the analysis of the British version of cultural Euroscepticism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Wiedner

The dramatic expansion of education since the second world war has been recognized as one of the major forces shaping social change. However, the question whether educa-tional expansion has outstripped the demand for qualified labour, or whether modern economies face a skill-shortage despite increases in education remains debated. Focus-sing on the United Kingdom and West Germany, this paper asks to what degree expan-sion of education has been absorbed by labour markets. I point out shortcomings of wage-centred analyses and develop an approach that focuses on trends in self-assessed over- and underqualification. Using repeated surveys, I link cohort-level expansion to mismatch prevalence. Results show that educational expansion gave rise to credential inflation and a positional value of education in the United Kingdom. West-Germany, on the other hand, is affected by a mild skill-shortage. I relate these findings to the con-trasting institutional logics of education systems in the two countries.


1965 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  

Edward Battersby Bailey was a former Director of the Geological Survey of Great Britain and the Museum of Practical Geology, also for a time Professor of Geology in the University of Glasgow. He was born on 1 July 1881 and died on 19 March 1965, having dedicated his life to geological thinking and exposition. Though his studies extended beyond the confines of the United Kingdom and over a wide range of geology, his major work was interpretation, into three-dimensional concepts, of the phenomena observed by surface mapping of mainly igneous and metamorphic rocks in the mountains, hills and islands of western Scotland. His work was marked by physical and mental fearlessness and enthusiasm, reinforced by a flair or instinct for arriving at a novel explanation of his own or others’ observations.


1995 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-216
Author(s):  
Jacomijn J. van Haersolte-von Hof

This arbitration arose under the Air Services Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (hereinafter: HMG) and the Government of the United States (hereinafter: USG) concluded at Bermuda, 23 July 1977, as subsequently amended. This Agreement, which is generally referred to as Bermuda 2, provides, inter alia, that airport charges should not discriminate between a state's domestic carriers and those of the other party, and that theparties should use their best efforts to ensure that charges should be based on certain principles.


Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 330 ◽  
pp. 29-39
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szymura

Some remarks on the origins and role of the Court of Session in the Kingdom of Scotland (1532–1707)The purpose of this article is to illustrate the origins and evolution of the central court of the Kingdom of Scotland from its inception in 1532 until the end of the Kingdom as an independent entity of international law following its establishment in 1707 of the United Kingdom of Great Britain. The analysis of the structure of the court is based on the laws of the old Scottish Parliament, and the main thesis of the study is the evolutionary nature of the provisions constituting the Court of Sessions which, on the one hand, were a continuation of the King’s previous jurisdictional powers and, on the other hand, were part of a wider trend towards separation of central courts from the royal councils in European monarchies. Einige Bemerkungen zur Genese und Bedeutung von "Court of Session" im Königreich Schottland (1532–1707)Gegenstand dieses Beitrages ist die Darstellung der Genese und der Evolution des zentralen Gerichtes im Königreich Schottland in der Zeit von seiner Entstehung im Jahre 1532 bis zum Ende des Königreiches als ein unabhängiges Subjekt des internationalen Rechtes, infolge der Entstehung im Jahre 1707 des Vereinigten Königreiches von Großbritannien. Grundlage der Analyse der Struktur des Gerichtes stellen die Gesetze des ehemaligen schottischen Parlamentes und die wichtigste These der Bearbeitung stellt der evolutionäre Charakter der Lösungen dar, die zur Gründung von Court of Session geführt haben. Diese stellten einerseits die Fortführung der früheren Befugnisse des Königs im Bereich Jurisdiktion, andererseits aber waren sie in den europäischen Monarchien ein Teil der umfassenderen Bewegung der Aussonderung der Zentralgerichte aus der Institution der königlichen Räte.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Ognjen Pribicevic

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries


2008 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. M. LUCAS

Shortly before he died, John Lindley decided to dispose of his herbarium and botanical library. He sold his orchid herbarium to the United Kingdom government for deposit at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and then offered his library and the remainder of his herbarium to Ferdinand Mueller in Melbourne. On his behalf, Joseph Hooker had earlier unsuccessfully offered the library and remnant herbarium to the University of Sydney, using the good offices of Sir Charles Nicholson. Although neither the University of Sydney nor Mueller was able to raise the necessary funds to purchase either collection, the correspondence allows a reconstruction of a catalogue of Lindley's library, and poses some questions about Joseph Hooker's motives in attempting to dispose of Lindley's material outside the United Kingdom. The final disposal of the herbarium to Cambridge and previous analyses of the purchase of his Library for the Royal Horticultural Society are discussed. A list of the works from Lindley's library offered for sale to Australia is appended.


Author(s):  
Mykola Trofymenko

Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.   The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc. The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation. Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development


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