scholarly journals Kilka uwag o genezie i roli Sądu Sesji w Królestwie Szkocji (1532–1707)

Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 330 ◽  
pp. 29-39
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szymura

Some remarks on the origins and role of the Court of Session in the Kingdom of Scotland (1532–1707)The purpose of this article is to illustrate the origins and evolution of the central court of the Kingdom of Scotland from its inception in 1532 until the end of the Kingdom as an independent entity of international law following its establishment in 1707 of the United Kingdom of Great Britain. The analysis of the structure of the court is based on the laws of the old Scottish Parliament, and the main thesis of the study is the evolutionary nature of the provisions constituting the Court of Sessions which, on the one hand, were a continuation of the King’s previous jurisdictional powers and, on the other hand, were part of a wider trend towards separation of central courts from the royal councils in European monarchies. Einige Bemerkungen zur Genese und Bedeutung von "Court of Session" im Königreich Schottland (1532–1707)Gegenstand dieses Beitrages ist die Darstellung der Genese und der Evolution des zentralen Gerichtes im Königreich Schottland in der Zeit von seiner Entstehung im Jahre 1532 bis zum Ende des Königreiches als ein unabhängiges Subjekt des internationalen Rechtes, infolge der Entstehung im Jahre 1707 des Vereinigten Königreiches von Großbritannien. Grundlage der Analyse der Struktur des Gerichtes stellen die Gesetze des ehemaligen schottischen Parlamentes und die wichtigste These der Bearbeitung stellt der evolutionäre Charakter der Lösungen dar, die zur Gründung von Court of Session geführt haben. Diese stellten einerseits die Fortführung der früheren Befugnisse des Königs im Bereich Jurisdiktion, andererseits aber waren sie in den europäischen Monarchien ein Teil der umfassenderen Bewegung der Aussonderung der Zentralgerichte aus der Institution der königlichen Räte.

Author(s):  
Dolores Morondo Taramundi

This chapter analyses arguments regarding conflicts of rights in the field of antidiscrimination law, which is a troublesome and less studied area of the growing literature on conflicts of rights. Through discussion of Ladele and McFarlane v. The United Kingdom, a case before the European Court of Human Rights, the chapter examines how the construction of this kind of controversy in terms of ‘competing rights’ or ‘conflicts of rights’ seems to produce paradoxical results. Assessment of these apparent difficulties leads the discussion in two different directions. On the one hand, some troubles come to light regarding the use of the conflict of rights frame itself in the field of antidiscrimination law, particularly in relation to the main technique (‘balancing of rights’) to solve them. On the other hand, some serious consequences of the conflict of rights frame on the development of the antidiscrimination theory of the ECtHR are unearthed.


Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Paul Miller

Racism in any society is fuelled by a number of factors, often acting independently of each other, or, at times, in concert with each other. On the one hand, anti-racism efforts rely on the alignment of four “system conditions” to stand a chance of successfully engaging and tackling racism. On the other hand, where these “system conditions” are not present, or where they are not in sync, this leads to “system failure”—a situation where racism is writ large in society and in the institutions therein, and where anti-racism efforts are severely hampered. Drawing on evidence from within the education sector and elsewhere in UK society, this paper examines how a lack of alignment between “system conditions” hampers antiracism efforts, and simultaneously reinforces racism in society and in institutions—leading to gridlock or “system failure” around anti-racism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Johanis Leatemia

Orderly international community and international law are determined by a national court. Essentially, the national court must be competent to maintain the balance between the national interest which based on the national sovereignty as well as the provisions of international law within the framework of peaceful coexistence. This article reviews the role of national courts in creating and developing the customary international law. As it turns out in practice, however, it has certain weaknesses, particularly in view of the accountability and legitimacy aspects of its establishment. This purpose could be achieved if national courts were able to maintain a balance between the national interest based on the sovereignty of State on the one hand and the provisions of international law on the other. The function of the national court was to maintain a balance between international law and national law.


Author(s):  
Stephen Bouwhuis

The inquiry by the United Kingdom into its decision to intervene in Iraq is one of the longest running and most comprehensive examinations of government decision-making. In particular, the inquiry examined in detail the processes by which legal advice was provided to and formed a part of the decision by the Government of the United Kingdom to intervene in Iraq. Through this lens, the current chapter examines what the inquiry illustrates about the general relevance of international law to the decision to intervene in Iraq and more broadly what illustrates about the role of international law in decision-making more generally. In particular, the chapter pertains to the practical and ethical aspects providing international legal advice to government as well as the nature of government legal practice more generally.


2019 ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
Adrian Briggs

This chapter examines of the role of the lex fori in English private international law before proceeding to examine the rules of the conflict of laws applicable in an English court. Issues for which the rules of the conflict of laws select the lex fori as the law to be applied include grounds for the dissolution (as distinct from nullity) of marriage, even if the marriage has little or nothing to do with the United Kingdom; or settlement of the distribution of assets in an insolvency even though there may be significant overseas elements. Where the rules of the conflict of laws select a foreign law, its application, even though it is proved to the satisfaction of the court, may be disrupted or derailed by a provision of the lex fori instead. The remainder of the chapter covers procedural issues; penal, revenue, and public laws; and public policy.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-423
Author(s):  
Cheryl Saunders

Australia is both a federation and a constitutional monarchy. The Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900, which made the Australian Constitution law, refers to the establishment of the federation “under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.” In fact, however, since 1973, the appropriate style of the monarch in relation to Australia has been “Queen of Australia.” And ever since federation, the monarch has been represented in Australia by a Governor-General, who progressively has acquired a more significant role, in parallel with the acquisition of Australian independence.


1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Brazier

BEFORE the dawn of the millennium new legislative and executive authorities will have been established in Edinburgh, Cardiff and (subject to further political and other progress) in Belfast. This article analyses the nature of these constitutional initiatives, and examines their place in the unitary state which is the United Kingdom. It begins by tracing the history of constitutional union between England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The legal effect of the 1998 devolution statutes is examined, in particular on the legal sovereignty of the United Kingdom Parliament. A triple constitutional and legal lock exists in the Scotland Act 1998 to ensure that the devolution settlement is the final step away from the pure unitary state which has enfolded Scotland in Great Britain. The nature and likely success of that lock are analysed in some detail. The lawmaking powers of the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Ireland Assembly are assessed. The similarities and differences between each of the three devolved governments and the British Government are highlighted, and consequences and possible lessons for future government-making at Westminster are drawn. The article concludes with a peer into the possible constitutional futures for the United Kingdom.


2010 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Goldberg

SUMMARYThis paper describes the process of preparing a Clinical Guideline for “NICE”, the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence in the United Kingdom. The procedure involves the group appointed to prepare the guideline relating to the various “stakeholders” who have an interest on the one hand, and satisfying the fairly demanding standards set by NICE on the other. The strengths and limitations of the approach based on evidence based medicine are discussed.


Ethnicities ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146879682091341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiina Sotkasiira ◽  
Anna Gawlewicz

The European Union membership referendum (i.e. the Brexit referendum) in the United Kingdom in 2016 triggered a process of introspection among non-British European Union citizens with respect to their right to remain in the United Kingdom, including their right to entry, permanent residence, and access to work and social welfare. Drawing on interview data collected from 42 European Union nationals, namely Finnish and Polish migrants living in Scotland, we explore how European Union migrants’ decision-making and strategies for extending their stay in the United Kingdom, or returning to their country of origin, are shaped by and, in turn, shape their belonging and ties to their current place of residence and across state borders. In particular, we draw on the concept of embedding, which is used in migration studies to explain migration trajectories and decision-making. Our key argument is that more attention needs to be paid to the socio-political context within which migrants negotiate their embedding. To this end, we employ the term ‘politics of embedding’ to highlight the ways in which the embedding of non-British European Union citizens has been politicized and hierarchically structured in the United Kingdom after the Brexit referendum. By illustrating how the context of Brexit has changed how people evaluate their social and other attachments, and how their embedding is differentiated into ‘ties that bind’ and ‘ties that count’, we contribute to the emerging work on migration and Brexit, and specifically to the debate on how the politicization of migration shapes the sense of security on the one hand, and belonging, on the other.


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