Central American security cooperation will be weak

Subject SICA's relative ineffectiveness. Significance The partial withdrawal of Costa Rica from the Central America Integration System (SICA) on December 18 serves to highlight underlying regional tensions that undermine the effectiveness of the body. At the same time, common security challenges mean cooperation has become increasingly important. Impacts Costa Rica's dispute with SICA is likely to be short-lived. However, territorial issues will drive periodic tensions between countries. Without greater resourcing, security cooperation will have limited effect.

Significance The migrant crisis was a key theme at December’s summit of the Central American Integration System (SICA). The region’s leaders agreed on a need to address underlying causes relating to crime, violence, inequality and climate change, as well as stem the immediate flow of migrants. Impacts US support for the regional development plan will be limited at best. Access to financing for coffee growers will increase in the near future, securing small producers’ livelihoods and boosting production. Costa Rica and Panama will increase security force capacity to limit any contagion of violence and crime from the Northern Triangle.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Damaris Stein

Central America has the longest experience with regional integration efforts apart from Europe and regional integration was on its rise with the establishment of the Central American Integration System (SICA). However, the organisation has been struggling to move the integration process further; experiencing a climax of fragmentation when Costa Rica left SICA during the Cuban migration crisis in 2015. This article focuses on the factors which contributed to the withdrawal of Costa Rica by looking at: (1) the institutional level of SICA; (2) Costa Rica’s policies that have hindered Central American integration; and (3) Costa Rica’s main reasons for its non-integrationist actions. This article argues that the cause can be found at both the institutional level and the national level. It further shows that SICA failed at deepening its integration due to its supranational ambitions installed in its institutional framework. Moreover, through qualitative research methods, it has been found that Costa Rica’s foreign policy is characterised by defying SICA’s organisational bodies. This article concludes by proposing four major reasons to explain Costa Rica’s non-integrationist actions which can be subsumed under (1) historical aspects, (2) no trade benefits from its membership, (3) immigration issues and lastly, (4) the legitimacy problem of SICA.


Significance One major step to that end was the agreement in August to increase cooperation to tackle gang activity with the creation of a trinational force. Impacts Stemming funding will be key to meaningful progress in combating organised criminal activity. November's US presidential election is an uncertainty in terms of how the Central American security issue will be addressed. Broader security cooperation would require a fully regional approach, probably through the Central American Integration System (SICA).


Significance Campaigning will be muted, as the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic will constrain public events. Government handling of the crisis will be a consideration for voters, alongside more traditional issues such as insecurity, perceived corruption and poor economic opportunities. Dramatic improvements in such areas will remain elusive, whoever secures election. Impacts State weakness will hinder governments’ abilities to face health challenges and roll out vaccine programmes. Perceived impunity for politicians suspected of wrongdoing will drive unrest, especially if peaceful political expression is constrained. Costa Rica has no elections this year, but post-pandemic economic damage could hit government support ahead of 2022 polls. Economic hardship will drive more US-bound migration; an issue that will be formative for new governments’ relations with Washington.


Zootaxa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3500 (1) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEXEY K. TISHECHKIN ◽  
ALIDA MERCADO CÁRDENAS

Three new species belonging to the tribe Nymphistrini of the obligate myrmeco- and termitophilous subfamily Haeteriinae (Coleoptera: Histeridae) are described from Central America: Nymphister rettenmeyeri sp. n. (Costa Rica and Panama), Trichoreninus carltoni sp. n. (Belize and Honduras) and T. neo sp. n. (Costa Rica and Panama).  Identification keys for the Central American species of both genera are prepared.  Available host records for N. rettenmeyeri confirm the symbiosis of the genus with Eciton army ants: the species has been found in colonies of E. burchelli (Westwood), E. hamatum (Fabricius) and E. mexicanum Roger.  Host records are not available for the new species of Trichoreninus as all known specimens were collected by flight intercept traps.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvatore Caserta ◽  
Pola Cebulak

AbstractThe paper compares the involvement of four regional economic courts in legal disputes mirroring constitutional, political and social crises at national or regional levels. These four judicial bodies of the EU, the Andean Community, the East African Community and the Central American Integration System have all faced varied forms of resistance to their involvement and their general authority. By comparing these four case-studies from across the globe, the paper identifies institutional and contextual factors that explain the uneven resistance. While the regional economic courts in Central America and East Africa were subject to backlash from the Member States, their counterparts in Europe and Latin America avoided backlash but at the price of achieving only a narrow authority.


Subject Despite being situated in one of the world's most notorious drug trafficking regions, Panama enjoys comparative peace and security. Significance Panama is emerging as an outlier in Central America, with homicide rates falling as a result of novel approaches to dealing with gang violence and drug trafficking. This raises questions about whether the country offers lessons that could be applied elsewhere in the region. Impacts Panama will remain at the forefront of international security cooperation. Corruption and public pressure for a tough approach could undermine security gains in Panama. There is little prospect of other Central American countries being able to replicate Panama's security strategy.


Significance The visit follows Panama’s June 12 announcement that it had cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favour of establishing official relations with China -- the first such change in the region since Costa Rica switched diplomatic allegiances in 2007. Panama’s switch reflects China’s increasing economic links with Central America more generally and raises questions regarding the diplomatic stances of other countries in the Latin America/Caribbean (LAC) region, which is home to more than half of Taiwan’s remaining diplomatic partners. Impacts Taiwan will be more interested in unofficial but substantive ties than in retaining formal diplomatic recognition at high cost. Funding issues and domestic opposition to Nicaragua’s canal project could dissuade Ortega from any high-profile moves on China or Taiwan. Improved relations between China and Panama may concern Washington, given the level of US investment in the Panama Canal.


Subject Costa Rica drugs. Significance Costa Rican police on February 15 seized more than five tonnes of cocaine in a single operation -- the country’s largest-ever drugs seizure. The haul underlines the extent to which transnational drug-trafficking organisations have infiltrated the country, compounding concerns about related impacts on crime. The government of President Carlos Alvarado is currently implementing a new security strategy, but it is unclear how effective this will be in combating drug gangs. Impacts Costa Rica will seek extra security funding from partners such as the United States. Violence in neighbouring Nicaragua will exacerbate the pressures facing security forces along the border. The Limon region will be a bellwether for security trends as new infrastructure opens up the region.


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