Hong Kong election will consolidate opposition

Subject The Hong Kong Legislative Council election 2016. Significance A ban on pro-independence activists standing for election, the conviction of student activists on criminal charges and the declaration of several pro-Beijing candidates for the 2017 chief executive election raise long-term concerns about Hong Kong's institutional health. Impacts Student activism will strengthen, leading to greater polarisation of Hong Kong society. Announcement of multiple candidates acceptable to Beijing implies the most competitive Chief Executive election since the handover. Hong Kong's economy will probably remain sluggish over the next year.

Subject Political reform in Hong Kong. Significance On June 18, the Legislative Council (LegCo) vetoed a Beijing-backed reform plan that would have instituted direct elections for the territory's highest official, the chief executive, in future elections. The reform package, heavily promoted by the local administration, ultimately received only eight 'yes' votes, a stinging rebuke for both the local and central governments. Opposition centred on a proposed nominating committee that would vet candidates before the general election. Democracy advocates saw this as a non-starter, since the committee would likely exclude candidates that were not docile towards Beijing. Impacts The constitutional reform process will stall in the short term. Pro-democracy advocates and legislators will face greater hostility from Beijing and the local government. Beijing is less likely to back measures to assuage public opinion, such as curbs on visits by mainlanders. Businesses and many residents will welcome a period of calm while the pro-democracy camp decides a long-term strategy. LegCo will become more dysfunctional, with pan-democratic legislators likely to block unrelated measures to express frustration.


Significance The violence was the worst Hong Kong has witnessed since protesters clashed with police during the 2014 'Umbrella Protests' which demanded greater political autonomy from mainland China. Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, Hong Kong's top political official, swiftly denounced the violent attacks on police officers and journalists and vowed to prosecute instigators. Impacts Local outbreaks of violent protesting will have little impact on tourism or international business in the short term. Public anger will prompt the chief executive's administration to distance itself from mainland Chinese authorities. China will support some measures that lessen Hong Kong anger over the impact of Chinese tourism, such as further curbs on visitor numbers. Pro-localisation forces will seek greater representation in the Legislative Council elections slated for September 2016.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384
Author(s):  
Chung Fun Steven Hung

Purpose After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history. Design/methodology/approach The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization. Findings With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties. Originality/value This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Omer Unsal

Purpose This paper aims to investigate how firms’ relationships with employees define their debt maturity. The authors empirically test the role of employee litigations in influencing firms’ choice of short-term versus long-term debt. The authors study employee relations by analyzing the importance of the workplace environment on capital structure. Design/methodology/approach The author’s test hypotheses using a sample of US publicly traded firms between 2000 and 2017, including 3,056 unique firms with 4,256 unique chief executive officer, adopting the fixed effect panel model. Findings The authors document that employee litigations have a significant negative effect on the use of short-term debt and a significant positive affect on long-term debt. Employee litigations, along with legal fees, outcomes and charging parties, matter the most in explaining debt maturity. In addition, frequently sued firms abandon the short-term debt market and use less shareholders’ equity to finance their operations while relying more on the longer debt market. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study to examine the role of employee mistreatment in debt maturity choice. The study extends the lawsuit and finance literature by examining unique, hand-collected data sets of employee lawsuits, allegations, violations, settlements, charging parties, case outcomes and case durations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luen Tim Percy Lui

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how institutional designs governing the executive-legislative relations in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) have weakened the government’s capacity to effectively govern the HKSAR. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines institutional designs and rules that govern Hong Kong’s executive-legislative relations. It uses the case of the HKSAR Legislative Council (LegCo) to illustrate the impacts of institutional designs and rules on the performance of political institutions and government performance. Findings This paper finds that institutional designs and rules do affect the performance of a political institution. This paper suggests changes to the institutional designs and rules that govern the operation of the HKSAR LegCo, and the interaction between the legislature and the executive so as to create a facilitative context for good governance. Originality/value Studies on governance in Hong Kong mostly focus on individual institution’s behavior and performance. This paper studies the problem of governance in Hong Kong from the perspective of executive-legislative relations. It adopts the institutional theory to examine the behavior, performance, and interaction between the legislative and executive branches.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 817-829
Author(s):  
Beulah Pereira ◽  
Kevin Teah ◽  
Billy Sung ◽  
Min Teah

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to conduct an in-depth interview with the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Larry Jewelry, a luxury jeweller with boutiques in Hong Kong and Singapore. Given the ever-evolving luxury jewellery market in South East Asia, it is paramount to understand the success factors of the luxury jewellery sector. Design/methodology/approach An in-depth interview approach is used to understand the antecedents of the success of the luxury jewellery sector. Specifically, this paper presents a complex business model of Larry Jewelry and an in-depth interview with the CEO of Larry Jewelry for current insights in the sector. Findings This paper highlights the history of Larry Jewelry, its product segments and the key elements of its business blueprint. Specifically, the success of Larry Jewelry is attributed to its business model and strong branding on quality, craftsmanship, rarity, human interaction and trust. Originality/value Despite the substantial growth in the luxury jewellery sector, there is relatively little research on the success factors of this industry, especially in South East Asia. The current research provides practical insights into business blueprint of a successful luxury jeweller in Hong Kong and Singapore.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (11/12) ◽  
pp. 824-842 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandra Rosa

Purpose On December 14, 2010, University of Puerto Rico (UPR) student activists initiated the second wave of their strike at a disadvantage. The presence of the police force inside the campus raised the stakes for the student movement. No longer did student activists have the “legal rights” or control of the university as a physical public space to hold their assemblies and coordinate their different events. As a result, student activists had to improvise and (re)construct their spaces of resistance by using emotional narratives, organizing non-violent civil disobedience acts at public places, fomenting lobbying groups, disseminating online petitions, and developing alternative proposals to the compulsory fee. This second wave continued until March 2011, when it came to a halt after an incident that involved physical harassment to the Chancellor, Ana Guadalupe, during one of the student demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Building on Ron Eyerman’s (2005, p. 53) analysis on “the role of emotions in social movements with the aid of performance theory,” the author center this paper on examining student activists’ tactics and strategies in the development and maintenance of their emotional narratives and internet activism. By adapting Joshua Atkinson’s (2010) concept of resistance performance, the author argues that student activists’ resistance performances assisted them in (re)framing their collective identities by (re)constructing spaces of resistance and contention while immersed in violent confrontations with the police. Findings Ever since the establishment of the university as an institution, student activism has played a key role in shaping the political policies and history of many countries; “today, student actions continue to have direct effects on educational institutions and on national and international politics” (Edelman, 2001, p. 3). Consequently, and especially in times of economic and political crisis, student activism has occupied and constructed spaces of resistance and contention to protest and reveal the existing repressions of neoliberal governments serving as a (re)emergence of an international social movement to guarantee the accessibility to a public higher education of excellence. Thus, it is important to remember that the 2010-2011 UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but rather by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of social networks that have continued to create resistance and change in the island. Originality/value As of yet there is no thorough published analysis of the 2010-2011 UPR student strike, its implications, and how the university community currently perceives it. By elaborating on the concept of resistance performance, the author’s study illustrates how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism can develop, maintain, adjust, or change the students’ collective identity(ies). The author’s work not only makes Puerto Rico visible in the research concerning social movements, student activism, and internet activism; in addition, it provides resistance performance as a concept to describe various degrees of participation in current social movements.


Subject Implications of the 2016 Legislative Council election. Significance A new generation of political activists, who gained international attention for leading massive pro-democracy demonstrations in 2014, have secured seats in the Hong Kong's Legislative Council (LegCo), the territory's law-making body, in the first electoral contest after the protests. Voting on September 4 for all 70 LegCo seats returned a pro-government ('establishment') majority, but older democracy activists ('pan-democrats') combined with the protest leaders ('localists' or 'radicals') have won enough seats to retain a veto over government-backed legislation. Impacts Experienced pan-democrats will court younger activists, who successfully capitalised on the high level of anti-China sentiment. Opposition veto power will ensure legislative gridlock on controversial issues. Beijing will be tempted to back a challenger to Leung in 2017 as a conciliatory gesture to the opposition. Beijing will also try to sideline independence activists through 'loyalty tests' and other means to de-legitimise the movement. The movement demanding full autonomy for Hong Kong will grow, but remain outside the mainstream business and stability-focused electorate.


Significance The proposed law has sparked what is probably the most serious political controversy since Carrie Lam took office as Hong Kong’s chief executive in 2017. Lam denies that the initiative is being imposed by Beijing. Impacts A large turnout at a demonstration on July 1 would prove that the public has not given up on protest. Foreign governments will pay more attention to Hong Kong’s governance, but public criticism would risk Beijing’s ire. The controversy will slow down China-Hong Kong integration more broadly, except in narrowly economic affairs.


Subject The demands set out by anti-government protesters in Hong Kong. Significance Mass protests have forced the government to withdraw an unpopular bill allowing extradition to mainland China. However, the protesters’ agenda has broadened to include four more demands: repudiation of the government’s designation of the protests as ‘riots’; amnesty for all protesters; an independent probe into the police’s use of force; and universal suffrage for the selection of Hong Kong’s chief executive. Impacts Investigations, trials and lawsuits will drag on for years, poisoning the political atmosphere and hindering cooperation between camps. Hong Kong’s independent judiciary may be a moderating influence. Replacing Lam would not be a fresh start; the process would spotlight Hong Kong’s lack of democracy.


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