Prospects for the Gulf states to end-2020

Subject Prospects for the Gulf states to end-2020. Significance All Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have ordered large cuts in public spending. As governments implement economic measures to cope with the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, regional disputes including the war in Yemen, tensions with Iran and the Qatar boycott will remain high on the agenda. The GCC 's failure to seize the opportunity offered by the pandemic to reinvigorate cooperation to fight the disease reflects a deeper malaise.

Subject Prospects for the Gulf states to end-2017. Significance Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries agree on the need to check Iran’s regional aspirations, but differ radically on how to achieve this goal -- pushing Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to open confrontation with Qatar and leaving Kuwait and Oman caught uncomfortably in the middle. At the same time, they face the major challenge of adjusting their economies to long-term expectations of lower oil revenue.


Subject GCC austerity squeezing foreign workers. Significance The fall in oil prices has put pressure on expatriate workers in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Their jobs and salaries are first in the firing line when governments look to cut costs, their living costs have been rising and they could face new taxes. They also face rising resentment from nationals, who feel swamped by the scale of expat numbers. However, labour laws are slowly improving and a strong dollar has boosted the value of remittances. Impacts Countries that rely on remittances from the Gulf, such as Nepal and the Philippines, may face current account pressures. Opportunities will rise for consultants to fill expertise gaps created by excessive cuts to expatriate professionals in the public sector. If oil dips lower for longer than expected, GCC countries could launch new nationalisation drives. A demographic shift may be underway, as highly paid Western professionals are gradually replaced by cheaper Asian/Arab alternatives.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Jizi ◽  
Rabih Nehme ◽  
Cynthia Melhem

PurposeThe Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries form a unique socioeconomic environment that makes the conclusions of the prior literature not likely to be applicable. GCC countries have huge oil reserves, yet they are aiming at reducing oil dependency through enhancing transparency, increasing foreign direct investments and reforming their governance structure. Their firms are mainly family owned and have low female representation in leadership positions. The study seeks to fill a literature gap by providing a business case supporting the call for gender diverse boards for better governance.Design/methodology/approachThe study examines a sample of GCC-listed firms for the years 2009–2018. Three measures are used to proxy for firm social engagement, namely, CSR strategy score, environmental, social and governance (ESG) disclosure score and social pillar score. To ensure whether the presence of women on board or the number of women on board is influential on social engagements, the authors use the existence of women on board and the percentage of women on board variables. Data are collected using Thomson Reuters, and generalized least squares (GLS) panel data regression is used to estimate relationships.FindingsThe authors find that female representation on GCC corporate boards is increasing, yet in a slow path. The reported results support the role of women on boards in prompting firms' social agenda and enhancing the level of sustainability reporting. The results also show that female board representation supports the implementation of climate change policy, business ethics policy and health and safety policy.Originality/valueThe paper evidence the add value of women participation on GCC corporate boards in enhancing boards' functionality and governance. The empirical findings encourage firms and policymakers in the GCC countries to increase the share of females on corporate boards to improve firms' citizenship and facilitate attracting foreign investors.


2014 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 3085-3090 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hosam M. Zowawi ◽  
Anna L. Sartor ◽  
Hanan H. Balkhy ◽  
Timothy R. Walsh ◽  
Sameera M. Al Johani ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTThe molecular epidemiology and mechanisms of resistance of carbapenem-resistantEnterobacteriaceae(CRE) were determined in hospitals in the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), namely, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait. Isolates were subjected to PCR-based detection of antibiotic-resistant genes and repetitive sequence-based PCR (rep-PCR) assessments of clonality. Sixty-two isolates which screened positive for potential carbapenemase production were assessed, and 45 were found to produce carbapenemase. The most common carbapenemases were of the OXA-48 (35 isolates) and NDM (16 isolates) types; 6 isolates were found to coproduce the OXA-48 and NDM types. No KPC-type, VIM-type, or IMP-type producers were detected. Multiple clones were detected with seven clusters of clonally relatedKlebsiella pneumoniae. Awareness of CRE in GCC countries has important implications for controlling the spread of CRE in the Middle East and in hospitals accommodating patients transferred from the region.


Subject Relations between the Gulf states and Turkey. Significance After 2011, Turkey and most of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states shared a mutual commitment to removing President Bashar al-Assad from power in Damascus. However, after the defeat of anti-Assad rebel forces in Aleppo in December 2016, Ankara shifted its focus to the prevention of Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria, seeking an alliance with Moscow. Impacts Turkey and the GCC will still consult closely on Syria, but with an increased focus on diplomacy and less military support for the rebels. Ankara will resist involvement in Yemen, but is likely to emphasise solidarity with the Saudi-led campaign against the Iran-linked Huthis. Turkey’s relationship with Qatar will be especially close, given strong ideological ties between the ruling Al Thani family and Erdogan.


Significance A senior US administration official briefed in advance that the Saudi-Emirati rift with Qatar was to be “a key point of discussion”, with the possibility of a special session of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) at Camp David in May. This is despite the dismissal of former US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, who was a strong supporter of a negotiated settlement between Qatar and its GCC rivals. Impacts The GCC countries will intensify lobbying activities in Washington, over the crisis and other issues. The standoff will affect how the Pentagon and NATO plan their future operational and strategic postures vis-a-vis the GCC. The narrative of a ‘brotherhood’ between GCC members is unlikely to recover for many years. Failing a resolution, Qatari economic reliance on Iran (as well as on Turkey and ASEAN) could grow.


Significance In October, Netanyahu travelled to Oman -- the first visit there by an Israeli premier in decades. In the past few years, relations between Israel and most of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states have warmed, but this has not been publicised. More recently, GCC states have become less concerned whether their relations with Israel become public knowledge. Meanwhile, the United States is encouraging rapprochement as one of the anchors of its Middle East policy. Impacts Netanyahu may soon visit Bahrain, the first public visit by an Israeli leader to the country. Relations with Qatar will follow a separate track to other Gulf states. A political opening would create economic opportunities.


Subject Prospects for the Gulf states in 2016 Significance Oil prices are biting into government revenues and increasing pressure for economic reform. However, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) governments are prioritising regional policy following the international nuclear deal with Iran.


Subject The Gulf 's cybersecurity agenda. Significance Offensive cyber capabilities are technological tools for intruding into external digital networks to delete, steal or manipulate data. All six states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar -- are developing these capabilities in the face of multiple threats. Impacts There is currently no indication that the GCC states are preparing cyberattacks against critical infrastructure. GCC states will continue relying on Western and Israel private firms for advanced surveillance tools. Efforts to nationalise the cybersecurity sector will advance slowly. Cyber espionage is almost certainly a fourth, covert GCC goal.


Significance This brings in different perspectives on issues such as economic diversification, social liberalism, Israel and the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Impacts Longstanding fears of family splits over the succession could persist in Kuwait and potentially Saudi Arabia. The GCC will become even less significant, lacking any economic, infrastructural or security role. Large-scale ‘giga-projects’ raise concerns that vanity is outweighing viability. The prospect of receding support from GCC countries could undermine entrenched elites in both the West Bank and Beirut. The upcoming ‘energy transition’ will face the current line-up of rulers with a unprecedented economic crisis in the coming years.


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