Social costs of dollarisation will be high in Cuba

Significance The economy, however, is in dire straits. Widespread shortages of everyday supplies are reminiscent of the crisis that followed collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. Economic policy likewise has echoes of the past, with the government pursuing partial re-dollarisation. Impacts With dollarisation likely to spread to more sectors of the economy, the CUC faces a gradual demise. Parts of the private sector catering to domestic demand, such as transport, might benefit from relaxed regulations. The crisis might drive the state to turn over more services to the non-state sector.

Subject The role of the private sector in strengthening regional ties between African states. Significance Over the past decade, the African continent has experienced greater integration within and across its regions, especially through trade. While still lagging behind many other emerging market regions, this growth has been driven in large part by the private sector. More African companies are now expanding beyond the borders of their home countries. Private equity is playing an important role in funding this expansion, supporting companies with knowledge and experience to access broader markets. Impacts Commercial ties are pushing regulators to harmonise aspects of economic policy across borders, eg on banks and insurance firms. Longer-term integration projects -- eg African Central Bank and African Monetary Fund -- are unlikely to succeed. Firms from regional hegemons (Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa) will tend to have the greatest pan-Africa footprint.


Slavic Review ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-412
Author(s):  
Alan Ball

Few official changes of course in the Soviet Union have been as dramatic as the adoption of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921. Supplanting what had come to be called War Communism (1918-1920)—a boiling mixture of revolutionary euphoria, bitter civil war, foreign intervention, economic collapse, and growing peasant unrest—NEP represented a new departure in many areas of Soviet life. First and foremost, eyewitnesses were struck by the legalization of a considerable amount of private economic activity, in contrast to the harsh measures adopted by the Bolsheviks against the private sector during War Communism.While this change seemed an improvement to most foreigners on the scene (and undoubtedly to most Russians), revolutionaries of diverse hues regarded the legalization of private trade in 1921 as a clear signal that the Bolsheviks had jettisoned the ideals of the Revolution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Viktor Savchenko

This paper examines a virtually unknown period of the development of the anarchist movement in Ukraine, ignored by both Soviet and post-Soviet historians, for whom the history of anarchism in the Soviet Union ended in 1921. The author,basing his information on archival materials,including the archives of the Soviet secret police agencies (ChK, GPU, OGPU), extends the life of the anarchist movement through the mid-1920s. This was a period of revitalization of the movement, especially among students, young workers, and the unemployed in the cities of Eastern and Southern Ukraine (Kharkiv, Kyiv, Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, and Poltava). Despite repression by the government, the anarchist movement in the USSR in the 1920s was able to sustain itself by going underground.


Significance The company is trying to attract more middle-class Kazakhstanis to undertake foreign travel, having announced on April 1 the start of a new economy sleeper class route from Astana to Paris. The middle class started to form following the break-up of the Soviet Union. Kazakhstan's government has repeatedly stated unceasing support for this stratum of the population. However, it is growing at very slow rates. Low economic diversification, corruption and insufficient representation of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the national economy act as barriers. Impacts A larger middle class would provide more support to the government. Expanding the middle class will require the state to release more of its control over the economy. In an economic downturn, the possible descent of the middle class into the 'new poor' would provoke a strong wave of resentment.


Significance Over the past two years, the government has been planning an overhaul of its decrepit and dangerous railway network through investment and plans for public-private partnerships. Since February’s crash, in particular, officials have spoken of the urgency of implementing these measures. Impacts Concessions on planned new railway lines will be much more appealing for private investors. Large ticket price rises would likely generate popular discontent. The involvement of the private sector could streamline investments in construction and tourism. Successful improvement of the railways would reduce car usage, and thus fuel subsidies.


2012 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
L. Tsedilin

The article analyzes the pre-revolutionary and the Soviet experience of the protectionist policies. Special attention is paid to the external economic policy during the times of NEP (New Economic Policy), socialist industrialization and the years of 1970-1980s. The results of the state monopoly on foreign trade and currency transactions in the Soviet Union are summarized; the economic integration in the frames of Comecon is assessed.


1956 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Campbell

SOVIET economic policy in the few years since Stalin's death has been characterized by flamboyance and ferment. In an attempt to free economic growth from the bottleneck of stagnation in agriculture, Khrushchev has sponsored some extravagant gambles in corn-growing and in expansion of the sown acreage. Policy toward the consumer has gone through two complete reversals: the regime at first experimented with offering the population an improvement in the standard of living, but is now once again asserting that abundance in the future requires austerity today. Perhaps the most startling innovation of all emerged in the past year when the regime began to develop a program of foreign economic assistance as a weapon in its economic competition with the capitalist part of the world. Because of their spectacular nature, these shifts of policy have attracted considerable attention in the West and have been commented on at length. Aware diat the Soviet Union is expanding her economic power at a more rapid rate than are the capitalist countries, Western students of the Soviet economy have sought in these policy changes-some clue as to whether its rate of growth is likely to decline or to be maintained in the future. The early indications of a rise in standards of living that would cause a reduced growth of heavy industry and so a decline in investment and in the rate of growth have now been dispelled. The inability of Soviet agriculture to provide an expanding food supply for a growing work force certainly appears to be a real threat to industrial growth, and with die failure of Khrushchev's gambles, this threat remains. Thus the evidence as to the over-all effect of these changes on the rate of expansion of die Soviet economy is still inconclusive.


Significance Although President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly committed to increase funding to combat what he calls South Africa’s “second pandemic”, there is a lack of transparency in how the government disburses funds linked to its National Strategic Plan (NSP) on Gender-based Violence and Femicide. Impacts Civil society groups will increase pressure on the government to make expenditure on GBV programmes more transparent. A new private-sector fund to contribute to the NSP has received strong early support, but its management structure is opaque. High levels of GBV will not only have significant humanitarian and social costs but may deter much-needed foreign investment.


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