This paper aims to examine the 10th national election held on 5 January 2014, and the violent incidents took place during, before and after the election in Bangladesh. Violence-free competitive, fair and credible national election is a prioritized issue in the politics and governance discourse in Bangladesh now. In this paper, relevant literature has been reviewed first for conceptual understanding, Then, the paper investigates to explore the causes and outcomes of violence took place centering the 10th parliamentary election in Bangladesh. Finally, it prescribes possible ways forward to overcome this crisis.
The paper is descriptive and qualitative in nature and based on secondary sources of materials. As it focused on a particular country and issue relating to the electoral violence of a particular national election in Bangladesh, it is a case study too. Most of the information and data have been used from published documents like journal articles, books and newspaper reports. Relevant information collected also from online sources.
The electoral violence may happen for various causes, yet the significant cause is the motive of the incumbent for picking up power over and again. Similarly, lack of cooperation of political parties, negligence and domination of ruling parties over opposition are also responsible for electoral and political violence before, during and after the election. In addition, violation of human rights, rule of law and, finally, the poor governance of Bangladesh are because of the lack of meaningful democratic government, strong political will and consensus among all political parties.
The main limitation of this research is the lack of financial supports to collect empirical data from concerned stakeholders through field visit.
The paper deals with an urgent issue of Bangladesh which is essential for a free, fair and credible election. To make the EC an independent institute, a law should be enacted for recruitment of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other commissioners of EC as per Article 118(1) of Bangladesh Constitution. To find out neutral and impartial CEC and other members of EC, a search committee is very essential, and for constituting a search committee, a law also should be enacted by the Parliament. Therefore, it would be very helpful for electoral and legal reform to overcome the problem of electoral violence in Bangladesh.
The findings of this paper will be accepted by the readers, scholars and policymakers. A radical change will come to the politics and governance of Bangladesh. Thus, the paper would be beneficial for the society and community people as well as citizens of Bangladesh.
The paper would be helpful for policymakers to revamp the existing drawback of electoral policies and practice in Bangladesh. For a meaningful and effective Parliament, it would be necessary. The paper would be essential for the future scholars and researchers of this area to use as reference. Finally, the academicians and readers will find their food in the field of politics, administration and governance.
Outlook for infrastructure in Ivory Coast
Minister for Petroleum and Energy Adama Toungara last month stated that Ivory Coast needs to invest 20 billion dollars in power infrastructure to 2030 to meet domestic demand and become a regional energy hub. The projection follows pledges from President Alassane Ouattara to accelerate infrastructure investment if he secures a second term in the October presidential elections.
The Special Investigation and Examination Cell's failure to bring any 2010-11 atrocities to court will hurt trust in the judicial system.
Opposition hardliners supporting former President Laurent Gbagbo could boycott the poll, risking some electoral violence.
However, moderate mainstream opposition represents a larger constituency and is unlikely to opt for violence.
Ouattara will avoid pushing reforms that affect the commercial interests of senior military figures, deferring reforms to the gold sector.
The ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was ousted in the first round on September 15. The DNT and DPT manifestos concentrate on youth unemployment and public debt. The 2013 elections, which involved debate about Bhutan’s relations with close ally India and China, saw several DNT candidates joining the PDP after the first round.
Polling in the second round will be peaceful, with electoral violence highly unlikely.
The new government will come under pressure to curb corruption.
The Maldives will favour India over China following Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s surprise win in the presidential election.
The figures come a month after Security Minister Rosa Icela Rodriguez presented a government strategy to protect candidates.
Continued militarisation of public security will perpetuate the ineffectiveness and corruptibility of civilian police forces.
Poor relations between tiers of government will hinder coordination among federal, state and municipal security forces.
Questioning of electoral authority impartiality risks weakening the institutional framework that has enabled stable, peaceful competition.
The 2007-08 electoral violence in Kenya, which killed more than 1,000 people and displaced almost 700,000, feeds concerns over instability as Kenyans head to the polls again this year. With about eight months until the next scheduled general election, a delay in appointing new electoral commissioners, shifting political alliances and intense competition for county-level seats raise fears of increased insecurity in the lead up to and aftermath of the polls.
Increases in extra-judicial killings and police crackdowns on protests raise concerns about security responses.
Gains in service provisions may slow as local politicians hold back budget allocations for electoral spending.
Swing regions may benefit most from national government funding as it attempts to expand influence.
Rising tensions ahead of the vote could increase external borrowing costs if Kenya seeks new international debt.
The Kenyan President, Uhuru Kenyatta, and his deputy William Ruto are on course to win the 2017 presidential election, but the outcome of county and parliamentary electoral competitions is less certain. The shape of political coalitions and dynamics in local elections will shape the potential for electoral violence.
The election will usher in a new era of Kenyan politics as Kenyatta and Raila Odinga will likely not run in 2022.
Kenyatta may pursue populist policies appealing across ethnic lines such as a recent law capping interest rates.
A spate of parliamentary defections to the president's new party may weaken the legislature's checks on the executive.
One of the greatest obstacles confronting the journalism profession in the discharge of their duties is the indiscriminate physical and digital threat being experienced by journalists all over the world, particularly within sub-Saharan Africa. The continuous attacks facing journalists in Africa, most especially during election times, violate their fundamental human rights. Journalists play a major role in the dissemination of information before, during and after an election. Unfortunately, elections in many African States are characterised by uncertainty, due to the possibility of election-related violence, which has led to the killing and disappearance of many journalists.
The study adopts a qualitative research approach involving a descriptive survey design. A purposive sampling of 20 respondents is adopted across various media organisations in Nigeria.
The study explores the role and importance of journalists during an election. It also examines the consequences of electoral violence on journalists and the discharge of their duties. It further assesses the role of the state authority in the protection of life and the safety of journalists during the election period. Finally, the study posits that a guard against the threat against journalists such as killings, ill-treatment and other interferences during and after the election period is essential and should be taken as a collective responsibility of all the various stakeholders in the community and nations.
The study assesses the various threats to the journalism profession, especially during the election period.
Jammeh has rescinded his initial concession and is challenging the outcome. Across the continent, decisions of presidents to stand down from office are critical for avoiding electoral violence and pushing forward the process of democratic consolidation. When presidents stand down, it builds trust between rival parties and increases popular support for democracy. Presidents willing to transfer power peacefully also minimise the risk of political uncertainty and conflict.
West African states may agree to provide Jammeh with a safe residence to support a smooth transfer of power.
Declining opinions of democracy in the West could erode its appeal overall.
Investigations into political leaders will continue to foment dissatisfaction with the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Kenya's Building Bridges Initiative report.
President Uhuru Kenyatta on November 27 launched the report of the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI), a task force established after the March 2018 ‘handshake’ between Kenyatta and opposition leader Raila Odinga, which finally ended the political crisis following disputed elections in 2017. While the report’s recommendations fall short of the radical reforms many had expected (or hoped for), they may lead to important changes in some areas. They will also further shape shifting alliances and debates ahead of the 2022 elections.
The report avoids issues deemed central to earlier electoral violence, which suggests it may not ensure future elections are less divisive.
A new slate of electoral commissioners and hiring changes for electoral staff could dilute institutional memory and politicise recruitment.
Recommendations for increased funding allocations to county- and ward-level development could prove more positive.
A recommendation to eliminate ‘sitting allowances’ for paid public servants could help ease the bloated public sector wage bill.