scholarly journals Does counter‐mobilization contain right‐wing populist movements? Evidence from Germany

Author(s):  
JOHANNES VÜLLERS ◽  
SEBASTIAN HELLMEIER
2020 ◽  
pp. 147488512091130
Author(s):  
Andrew Reid

Populism – which positions a ‘true people’ in opposition to a corrupt elite – is often contrasted with liberalism. This article initially outlines the incompatibility between populism and normative theories of political liberalism. It argues that populism is an unreasonable form of politics by liberals’ standards because: it unfairly excludes those who are not deemed to be part of the true ‘people’; and it is objectionably anti-pluralist in the way that it assumes unity amongst the ‘people’. Despite this, it is hard to derive specific duties to contain or challenge populism per se from a liberal perspective, though such a duty might be present for some forms of contemporary right-wing populism that combine populism with illiberal goals. Underpinning this view is a belief that many populist movements articulate grievances that are at least somewhat legitimate. The article concludes by arguing that there might be circumstances where a populist movement could, against this backdrop of injustice, advance the liberal cause. However, this is not because there are ways of dissolving the tension between political liberalism and populism, but because political liberals might be justified in violating the regulatory norms that they believe ought to govern politics in some, exceptional, circumstances.


1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony M. Messina

In the 1990s scholars working within the subfield of immigration studies in Western Europe have advanced four major arguments. (1) In a liberal era of global economic markets the capacity of states to govern their territorial borders has significantly eroded. (2) The widespread diffusion of liberal norms has severely inhibited the ability of governments to execute a rational immigrant policy. (3) The experience of mass immigration has transformed the boundaries of national citizenship. And 4) postwar immigration has fostered the surge of radical right-wing populist movements. This article evaluates these arguments in light of the evidence presented in both the collected scholarship under review and other select works. It concludes by arguing the case for new scholarly initiatives to synthesize and unify the separate literatures represented by the volumes under review.


Author(s):  
A. E. Antonov ◽  
L. N. Korneva

The article is devoted right-wing populist movements in Germany, which are the direct consequence of the crisis of multicultural community. In their propaganda they speculate on the mood in the society, using Islamophobia as their main weapon. The phenomenon of Islamophobia, or criticism of Islam, as well as the fight against its growing influence, has been heating up on the territory of the EU and, in particular, in Germany, where it is connected with Muslim immigrants. The right-wing movements bring the refugee issue into focus of public attention to strengthen their position in the current political landscape. The subject of the research is the most active and significant right-wing populist movements in modern Germany. The article defines the term of right-wing populism, as well as the most favorable conditions for its occurrence. The paper features the history, political activity and the ideology of the right-wing populist movements in Germany. It also offers a brief outlook on the degree of influence of anti-Islamic attitude in the European and German society.


Author(s):  
Gary Rhoades

Right wing populist movements are challenging established political parties and institutions, including higher education.  The discourse and platforms of these movements are a nationalistic backlash against elites and “others” that are antithetical to all that universities at their best stand for.  But universities would do well to refocus on class-based inequities that also underlie this shift, in ways that rebalance the global and local.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Oßenbrügge

Abstract. The paper outlines an approach to right wing populism in recent years not only in critizing the use of so called alternative facts but using the concept of a regressive modernisation as a debate which includes populist movements into a broader social theory and diagnosis of western societies. The evolution of regressive modernisation reveals both, the success of a neoliberal globalization and a rise of marginality and perceived dangers of a downward mobility. These findings are used in order to explain certain transformations of academic fields in general and social geography in particular. It is argued that the success of postmodern geographies may be seen as an overcoming of hegemonic discourses of positivism as well as of marxism, but was and is unable to counteract geographies of recent right wing populism. Even the positions of the „march for science“ which has been a major initiative to fight for academic integrity are seen as not being sufficient to rebuilt an „antipopulist“ social geography. This situation leads to some suggestions and recommendation for further work in this field.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 671-685
Author(s):  
Andreu Domingo

This article aims to analyse how the distorted story about demographic evolution—demographic reproduction and its relationship with social stratification—is becoming substantial enough to erode democracy. In order to demonstrate this, it first analyses the origin of the “Great Replacement” metaphor that is used to refer to international migration, inside and outside the discipline of demography, as part of an allegory referring to demographic transformations in the twenty-first century, together with the metaphors “demographic winter” (referring to population ageing), and “demographic suicide” (when speaking of declining fertility). Second, it relates these three metaphors with right-wing national populist movements and explains how they have developed as conspiracy theories.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (7) ◽  
pp. 1030-1041 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aisling O’Donnell

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the relative absence of a theoretical underpinning to modern neoliberalism. Tracing the history of the term, it becomes clear that modern economics has only a tenuous relationship to the type of economics the term “neoliberalism” originally described. Furthermore, modern neoliberalism appears to be strengthened by the crisis it creates. Particular qualities of the orthodoxy make it at the same time both vague and omnipresent, allowing it to operate to exacerbate a pattern of crisis, resulting in profound socio-political consequences, such as the election of Donald Trump and in the rise of populist movements generally. Design/methodology/approach Critical analysis rejects the premise that prevailing knowledge is ultimately true, but rather seeks to trace the basis of knowledge to structural inequalities at significant junctions in history. The premise of interpretative research is that social phenomena have mutually impacting relationships with social contexts and human activities. Using a critical interpretive research methodology, this paper contends that there are critical social and theoretical issues which have contributed to the resilience of modern neoliberalism, even where it has manifest crisis. Furthermore, unique qualities of the orthodoxy have operated to oppress and manipulate social processes that would challenge or curtail its reach. Findings This paper contends that, first, modern neoliberalism has an inverted relationship to crisis in that it is ultimately able to leverage the crisis it creates to its advantage. Second, this is partly a result of the theoretical ambiguity associated with the orthodoxy, and finally, the rise of the populist right in various political forums and contexts is connected in some way to the failure of the left and to respond effectively to it. Research limitations/implications The subject of the paper helps to explain and analyse the way that the neoliberal orthodoxy is able to leverage crisis to its advantage, and why, therefore, it continues to thrive even though it creates economic upheaval, environmental destruction, social and cultural division and increased inequality. After economic crisis, the orthodoxy presents not as the cause of it, but rather the appropriate policy response to it. The failure of the left to effectively challenge the neoliberal policy programme post-crisis is argued to be an important link in a causal chain which connects neoliberalism to the rise of the populist right. Practical implications This paper brings emphasis to the ways in which modern economics has subverted the constraints of a theoretical foundation, and ultimately has become a policy practice that exacerbates inequality and leverages crises that it has created to its advantage. It also highlights the linkages between economic crisis, the persistence of the neoliberal paradigm and the rise of right-wing populism in recent years. Originality/value The paper combines descriptive and normative accounts of the origins and evolution of neoliberalism as it has been accounted for by major economists and scholars, adding to this the understanding that in breeching from theoretical foundations, the policy programme has become vague and malleable, which curtails the possibility for the left to respond to it effectively, and contributes to the rise of the populist right in various contexts.


2017 ◽  
pp. 2-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Rhoades

Right wing populist movements are challenging established political parties and institutions, including higher education.  The discourse and platforms of these movements are a nationalistic backlash against elites and “others” that are antithetical to all that universities at their best stand for.  But universities would do well to refocus on class-based inequities that also underlie this shift, in ways that rebalance the global and local.


Populism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Daniel Petz

Abstract Given a perceived qualitative and quantitative shift in the use of nonviolent action by rightwing populist actors in recent years, this article based on case studies from Austria (the Identitarian movement) and Indonesia (the 2/12 movement) discusses the methods, legitimacy, and effectiveness of the use of nonviolent action by right-wing populist movements. It finds that the use of nonviolent action by those actors is largely pragmatic and tactical and that it often is borderline in terms of remaining nonviolent. It further identifies that in line with right-wing populist ideology, rather than only addressing state authorities and elites, the movements addressees of the nonviolent action are often minority groups or people supporting minority groups. Developing a classification of nonviolent action in democracies (dissent, civil disobedience, political disobedience) the article further finds that right-wing use of nonviolent action has a tendency towards transcending normal dissent towards political disobedience.


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