Neoliberalism, ambiguity and the rise of populist movements

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (7) ◽  
pp. 1030-1041 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aisling O’Donnell

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the relative absence of a theoretical underpinning to modern neoliberalism. Tracing the history of the term, it becomes clear that modern economics has only a tenuous relationship to the type of economics the term “neoliberalism” originally described. Furthermore, modern neoliberalism appears to be strengthened by the crisis it creates. Particular qualities of the orthodoxy make it at the same time both vague and omnipresent, allowing it to operate to exacerbate a pattern of crisis, resulting in profound socio-political consequences, such as the election of Donald Trump and in the rise of populist movements generally. Design/methodology/approach Critical analysis rejects the premise that prevailing knowledge is ultimately true, but rather seeks to trace the basis of knowledge to structural inequalities at significant junctions in history. The premise of interpretative research is that social phenomena have mutually impacting relationships with social contexts and human activities. Using a critical interpretive research methodology, this paper contends that there are critical social and theoretical issues which have contributed to the resilience of modern neoliberalism, even where it has manifest crisis. Furthermore, unique qualities of the orthodoxy have operated to oppress and manipulate social processes that would challenge or curtail its reach. Findings This paper contends that, first, modern neoliberalism has an inverted relationship to crisis in that it is ultimately able to leverage the crisis it creates to its advantage. Second, this is partly a result of the theoretical ambiguity associated with the orthodoxy, and finally, the rise of the populist right in various political forums and contexts is connected in some way to the failure of the left and to respond effectively to it. Research limitations/implications The subject of the paper helps to explain and analyse the way that the neoliberal orthodoxy is able to leverage crisis to its advantage, and why, therefore, it continues to thrive even though it creates economic upheaval, environmental destruction, social and cultural division and increased inequality. After economic crisis, the orthodoxy presents not as the cause of it, but rather the appropriate policy response to it. The failure of the left to effectively challenge the neoliberal policy programme post-crisis is argued to be an important link in a causal chain which connects neoliberalism to the rise of the populist right. Practical implications This paper brings emphasis to the ways in which modern economics has subverted the constraints of a theoretical foundation, and ultimately has become a policy practice that exacerbates inequality and leverages crises that it has created to its advantage. It also highlights the linkages between economic crisis, the persistence of the neoliberal paradigm and the rise of right-wing populism in recent years. Originality/value The paper combines descriptive and normative accounts of the origins and evolution of neoliberalism as it has been accounted for by major economists and scholars, adding to this the understanding that in breeching from theoretical foundations, the policy programme has become vague and malleable, which curtails the possibility for the left to respond to it effectively, and contributes to the rise of the populist right in various contexts.

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Santanu Sarkar ◽  
Ranabir Chakraborty

PurposeWe were intrigued by the question of whether the convergence of businesses across nations in search of flexibility to survive economic crisis led to a convergence of the annual rate of change of union membership. The question emerged because the convergence theory was controverted, especially when the neo-capitalist idea failed to withstand the test of time during the economic crisis.Design/methodology/approachBy adopting the model from Bain and Elsheik (1976) and using time-series data from 1990 to 2014 for Finland and India that survived economic crisis during this period, whereby union membership remained steady in Finland but declined in India, we assessed the empirical distinction between the changes in union membership.FindingsWe argued that when hit by an economic crisis, different nations had divergent responses and chose different means of economic recovery because of which the countries have not withstood the crisis in one specific way/direction that at all times, marginalises unions. Our main finding is that in both the countries, the annual rate of change of union membership during the years of economic recovery was determined by the policy response. And, policy responses were determined not only by the causes of economic crisis but also by the strength of unique national institutional configurations and history of the country.Originality/valueThe annual rate of change of union membership during the years of economic recovery was determined by the policy response. And, policy responses were determined not only by the causes of economic crisis but also by the strength of unique national institutional configurations and history of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Toro-Blanco Pablo

PurposeThis paper aims to explore the construction of social imaginaries of fear by the Chilean press regarding student violence during the 1968 university reforming process. Using an approach inspired by the history of emotions, the primary purpose is to analyze the discourse of two relevant conservative newspapers with national circulation about students' mobilization.Design/methodology/approachThe research rests on the analysis of content in the discourse of the two more representative right-wing Chilean newspapers (El Mercurio and El Diario Ilustrado). Founded in the early years of the 20th century, both had national circulations and were a part of a tradition in the history of the Chilean 20th-century national press. Through the analysis of a selection of editorials and news regarding students' mobilization during 1968, with a focus on the experience of the most prominent institution (Universidad de Chile), this research highlights similarities and differences in the ways that both media endeavoured to elaborate social imaginaries of menace and fear regarding student movements.FindingsThrough the study of the discourse of traditional newspapers, it is possible to identify critical issues concerning the university student movements' purposes to implement breaking (and occasionally violent) methods to carry out the reforms that they promoted, according to the right-wing press. Against this backdrop, the different importance of an anti-communist component is discernible, typical of the Cold War period, in the (political and emotional) arguments of the newspapers under analysis.Originality/valueThis article proposes an interpretation that intertwines a local phenomenon (the reformist movement of the University of Chile) with a global one (the May student revolution of 1968). It also establishes a novel approach by linking, through its approach, yet traditional concepts of social and cultural analysis (the idea of social imaginaries) with a new emphasis on social science and humanities (emotional dimensions).


Subject Latin American populism. Significance Latin America has a long history of populist leaders, who aimed to build direct links with the electorate. Primarily a response to economic and political inequality, it traditionally calls for income redistribution and weakening the economic elite. It has often but not always contributed to economic crisis over the medium term. Latin American populism has also had a contradictory impact on democracy, expanding the rights of some groups but also weakening key institutions. Impacts Persistent inequality may drive a new shift towards populism in Latin America. Right-wing populist models elsewhere will prove more exclusionary. Populism and weak institutions are likely to remain mutually reinforcing.


Significance Economic pressure on Maduro is mounting as foreign companies and banks respond to the August 5 US executive order tightening sanctions to prevent material assistance to his government. International efforts to broker a deal with the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) to remove Maduro are intensifying at a moment when his international alliances look vulnerable. Impacts With Chinese and Turkish financial institutions reconsidering their positions, Russia has emerged as a key arbiter of Maduro’s fate. Withdrawal of the already diminished number of international companies working with Venezuela will deepen the economic crisis. As anticipation builds that Maduro will be toppled, radical right-wing elements will seek to marginalise Guaido in any transition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hio Hei Albert Wong

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide the historical and social contexts for the three protests in Macau in the Summer of 2014, while examining the popular discourse of the protests. These include simultaneous eruptions toward immediate issues, the political apathy of Macau residents and Castell’s model of “networked social networks.” It also discusses the competition for youth after the protests. Design/methodology/approach This paper first reviews the history of Macau, in particular the people’s struggle against corruption and privilege, and its little-discussed history of protest. Its innovation in communications, political structure and education development are also explained to illustrate the foundations which make possible protests against an obsolete social structure. Findings The author finds that the history of Macau since the nineteenth century does not lack protests, with goals ranging from protests against colonialism to national and local demands. Macau youth are now more able and willing to mobilize themselves to make demands on the administration, and activists find it necessary to pass down such experience for generations to come. Originality/value The paper deconstructs the traditional image of Macau’s politics, by appealing to the linkage between continuity and contemporary events, and calls for the reader’s attention toward its social activism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucia Savadori ◽  
Eraldo Nicotra ◽  
Rino Rumiati ◽  
Roberto Tamborini

The content and structure of mental representation of economic crises were studied and the flexibility of the structure in different social contexts was tested. Italian and Swiss samples (Total N = 98) were compared with respect to their judgments as to how a series of concrete examples of events representing abstract indicators were relevant symptoms of economic crisis. Mental representations were derived using a cluster procedure. Results showed that the relevance of the indicators varied as a function of national context. The growth of unemployment was judged to be by far the most important symptom of an economic crisis but the Swiss sample judged bankruptcies as more symptomatic than Italians who considered inflation, raw material prices and external accounts to be more relevant. A different clustering structure was found for the two samples: the locations of unemployment and gross domestic production indicators were the main differences in representations.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Masalha

In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.


Author(s):  
Bryan D. Palmer

This article is part of a special Left History series reflecting upon changing currents and boundaries in the practice of left history, and outlining the challenges historians of the left must face in the current tumultuous political climate. This series extends a conversation first convened in a 2006 special edition of Left History (11.1), which asked the question, “what is left history?” In the updated series, contributors were asked a slightly modified question, “what does it mean to write ‘left’ history?” The article charts the impact of major political developments on the field of left history in the last decade, contending that a rising neoliberal and right-wing climate has constructed an environment inhospitable to the discipline’s survival. To remain relevant, Palmer calls for historians of the left to develop a more “open-ended and inclusive” understanding of the left and to push the boundaries of inclusion for a meaningful historical study of the left. To illustrate, Palmer provides a brief materialist history of liquorice to demonstrate the mutability of left history as a historical approach, rather than a set of traditional political concerns.


2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-86
Author(s):  
Jennifer Paustenbaugh

PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to provide a tribute to the life and work of library fund‐raiser Gwen Leighty.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses personal knowledge and references to Academic Libraries Advancement and Development Network (ALADN) and LIBDEV web sites.FindingsThe paper finds that fundraising is connecting with people and the journey that each development officer must make while raising funds for their library.Originality/valueThe paper presents a brief history of ALADN and the valuable contribution one person made to the cause of library fund‐raising.


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