scholarly journals ‘Fighting for the Right’: A Functionalist Oral‐History Analysis of Conservative Brazilian Women from the Military Dictatorship (1964–1985) to Jair Bolsonaro's Presidency (2018–)

Author(s):  
Daliany Jerónimo Kersh
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Viz Quadrat

AbstractIn 2011, twenty-six years after the end of the military dictatorship, the Brazilian government took the initiative of implementing the right to memory and to the truth, as well as promoting national reconciliation. A National Truth Commission was created aiming at examining and shedding light on serious human rights violations practiced by government agents from 1946 to 1985. It worked across the entire national territory for almost three years and established partnerships with governments of other countries in order to investigate and expose the international networks created by dictatorships for monitoring and persecuting political opponents across borders. This article analyzes the relationship between historians and the National Truth Commission in Brazil, in addition to the construction of dictatorship public history in the country. In order to do so, the Commission’s relationship with the national community of historians, the works carried out, as well as historians’ reactions towards its works, from its creation until its final report in 2014, will be examined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 293
Author(s):  
Elton Emanuel Brito Cavalcante

No sistema educacional brasileiro, a figura do professor é controvertida. Em alguns casos, acusam-no de autoritário, despreparado para lidar com as novas tecnologias ou incapaz de compreender as transformações pelas quais a contemporaneidade passa. Em outros, ao contrário, dizem que está sufocado pelas pressões da sala de aula e que, por distintas causas, minam a sua autoridade. Há ideologias que combatem a figura do professor tradicional relacionando-o com a Ditadura Militar de 64. Contudo, mesmo com um currículo democrático e com constante preocupação didático-metodológica, os índices de aprendizado da educação básica, desde a Redemocratização, não são satisfatórios. Vez ou outra aparecem escolas isoladas, privadas ou estatais, que apresentam bons resultados e, quando analisasadas detalhadamente, nota-se que há rechaço, explícito ou tácito, a muitas das ideias preconizadas pela educação progressista. Por tudo isso, o objetivo deste artigo é analisar o papel do professor tradicional e da escola estatal no contexto da sociedade democrática atual.Palavras-chave: Professor tradicional. Escola pública. Educação progressista. Democracia.Traditional teacher: between the right and left ideologiesABSTRACTIn the Brazilian educational system, the figure of the teacher is controversial. In some cases, they accuse him of being authoritarian, unprepared to deal with new technologies, or unable to understand the transformations that contemporary times go through. In others, on the contrary, they say that he is suffocated by classroom pressures and that, for different causes, undermine his authority. There are ideologies that counteract the figure of the traditional teacher by relating him to the Military Dictatorship of 64. However, even with a democratic curriculum and constant didactic-methodological concern, the learning indices of basic education since Redemocratization are not satisfactory. Occasionally, isolated private or state schools appear, which have good results, and when you look at them in detail you find that there is an explicit or tacit rejection of many of the ideas advocated by progressive education. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze the role of the teacher and the traditional school in the context of the current democratic society.Keywords: Traditional teacher. Public school. Progressive education. Democracy.Profesor tradicional: entre las ideologías de derecha y de izquierdaRESUMENEn el sistema educativo brasileño, la figura del profesor está controvertida. En algunos casos, nos acusan de autoritario, sin preparo para lidiar con las nuevas tecnologías o incapaz de comprender las transformaciones por las cuales la contemporaneidad pasa. En otros, al contrario, dicen que está sofocado por las presiones del aula y que, por diferentes causas, disminuyen su autoridad. Hay ideologías que combaten la figura del profesor tradicional relacionándolo con la Dictadura Militar del 64. Pero, mismo con un currículo democrático y constante preocupación didáctico-metodológica, los índices de aprendizaje de la educación básica, desde la Redemocratización, no son satisfactorios. De vez en cuando, aparecen escuelas aisladas, privadas o estatales, que presentan buenos resultados, y cuando se las analiza detalladamente, se nota que hay rechazo, explícito o tácito, de muchas ideas preconizadas por la educación progresista. Por esta razón, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar el papel del profesor tradicional y de la escuela estatal en el contexto de la sociedad democrática actual.Palabras clave: Profesor tradicional. Escuela pública. Educación progresista. Democracia.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
EDUARDO DOS SANTOS CHAVES

A proposta do artigo é examinar a coleção de entrevistas intitulada ”1964 ”“ 31 de março: o movimento revolucionário e a sua história”, publicada pela Editora da Biblioteca do Exército, a Bibliex, entre 2003 e 2004, verificando duas questões gerais: 1) como se deu a narrativa em relação ao golpe e a ditadura civil-militar iniciada em março de 1964; e 2) como essa mesma narrativa foi sendo construá­da pela coleção a partir da elaboração das entrevistas, em que entrevistadores e entrevistados em sintonia elaboraram um parecer positivo sobre o passado recente do Brasil.Palavras-chave: Memórias. Ditadura Civil-militar. História Oral.  POSITIVE STORY OF DICTATORSHIP: the narrative of the military over the "year of revolution"Abstract: The purpose of this article is to examine the collection of interviews entitled "1964 - March 31: the revolutionary movement and its history", published by Editora Library Army, the Bibliex between 2003 and 2004, checking two general questions: 1) how took the story about the coup and civil-military dictatorship that began in March 1964, and 2) how this same narrative was constructed by drawing from the collection of interviews in which interviewers and interviewees in tune produced a positive opinion the recent past of Brazil. Keywords: Memories. Civil-military dictatorship. Oral History.  HISTORIA POSITIVO DE LA DICTADURA: la narrativa de los militares sobre el "año de la revolución"Resumen: Este articulo se propone examinar la colección de entrevistas intitulada " 1964- 31 de marzo: el movimiento revolucionario y su historia", publicada por editora de la biblioteca del ejercito, bibliex, entre 2003 y 2004, observando dos cuestiones generales: 1. Cómo se dio la narrativa referente al golpe y su dictadura civil-militar iniciada en marzo de 1964; 2. Cómo esa misma narrativa fue construida por la colección a partir de la elaboración de las entrevistas, qué entrevistadores y entrevistados construyeron un parecer positivo sobre el pasado reciente de Brasil. Palabras clave: Memorias. Dictadura civil-militar. Historia oral.  


Author(s):  
Marcio Camargo Cunha Filho

Resumo: Os direitos à informação e à verdade foram introduzidos conjuntamente na ordem jurídica brasileira, como duas faces da mesma moeda. Ambos foram pensados como instrumentos tardios da justiça de transição, ou seja, como elementos de uma reforma institucional que visava à busca da verdade como forma de reparação às graves violações de direitos fundamentais ocorridas durante o período ditatorial.  No entanto, a atuação dos principais órgãos responsáveis pela efetivação da Lei de Acesso à Informação no Poder Executivo Federal – a Controladoria-Geral da União (CGU) e a Comissão Mista de Reavaliação de Informações (CMRI) – têm tornado inócua esta importante função da Lei, indo de encontro a teses jurídicas consolidadas na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH) e na Organização de Estados Americanos (OEA). Palavras-chave: Direito à Informação; Direito à Verdade; Justiça de Transição; Controladoria-Geral da UniãoAbstract: The right to information and the right to truth were conceived in the Brazilian judicial system at the same time, as two sides of the same coin. Both were idealized as late instruments of the Transitional Justice, or, in other words, as part of an institutional reform that aimed at searching historical truth as a mechanism of reparation for violations of human rights occurred during the military dictatorship. Nevertheless, the performance of the main public entities responsible for enforcing the Brazilian Freedom of Information Act – the Office of the Comptroller General and the Commission on Reevaluation of Information – have emptied this important role of the Act, in antagonism with the orientations provided by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Organization of American States.Keywords: Right to Information; Right to Truth; Transitional Justice; Office of the Comptroller General


2002 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 325-343
Author(s):  
Ruth K. Miller

In civilian life, an individual has the right to refuse medical treatment in almost any circumstance. While a patient who refuses treatment may face adverse consequences such as prolonged illness, our society recognizes the importance of individual choice in health matters. Members of the military, however, enjoy no such right. Service members are required to submit to certain medical treatments as a part of their employment contract. Refusing such treatments is disobeying an order, and the service member then faces the prospect of a dishonorable or “other than honorable” discharge, and even imprisonment. Disobeying an order to receive treatment can thus result in the equivalent of a felony conviction on the individual's employment history forever.


2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 87-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. Feaver

President George W. Bush's Iraq surge decision in late 2006 is an interesting case for civil-military relations theory, in particular, the debate between professional supremacists and civilian supremacists over how much to defer to the military on decisions during war. The professional supremacists argue that the primary problem for civil-military relations during war is ensuring the military an adequate voice and keeping civilians from micromanaging and mismanaging matters. Civilian supremacists, in contrast, argue that the primary problem is ensuring that well-informed civilian strategic guidance is authoritatively directing key decisions, even when the military disagrees with that direction. A close reading of the available evidence—both in published accounts and in new, not-for-attribution interviews with the key players—shows that the surge decision vindicates neither camp. If President Bush had followed the professional supremacists, there would have been no surge because his key military commanders were recommending against that option. If Bush had followed the civilian supremacists to the letter, however, there might have been a revolt of the generals, causing the domestic political props under the surge to collapse. Instead, Bush's hybrid approach worked better than either ideal type would have.


1989 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
David George

São Paulo's Grupo Macunaíma has established a paradigm for a unique form of poor theatre, which has had a marked influence on alternative troupes in Brazil attempting to break the commercial mould and to return to a social vision, lost during the darkest years of the military dictatorship. Grotowski's Towards a Poor Theatre outlines the abstract formulation and practical applications of the method he elaborated in his Polish Laboratory Theatre. The director-theoretician proposed first and foremost to overturn what he called rich theatre: a form of staging using ‘borrowed mechanisms’ from movies and television and expensive scenic technology. The Polish Laboratory was also an actor-centred theatre in which the stage was redesigned architecturally for each performance to allow the performers to interact with the audience and in which there were no naturalistic sets or props, no recorded music or sophisticated lighting. The actor, through a complex system of signs, continually created and recreated the meaning of text, constumes, set, and props. ‘By this use of controlled gesture the actor transforms the floor into a sea, a table into a confessional, a piece of iron into an animate partner, etc.’ (Poor Theatre, p. 21). Grotowski's plays were filled with costumes made of torn bags, bathtubs serving as altars, bunkbeds becoming mountains, hammers used as ‘musical’ instruments. ‘Each object must contribute not to the meaning but to the dynamic of the play; its value resides in its various uses.’ Other tenets of the Grotowski system germane to this study are a return to mythical and ritual roots, the theatrical remaking of classical works, and the collective basis of stagecraft.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Włoskowicz

Abstract Materials from topographic surveys had a serious impact on the labels on the maps that were based on these surveys. Collecting toponyms and information that were to be placed as labels on a final map, was an additional duty the survey officers were tasked with. Regulations concerning labels were included in survey manuals issued by the Austro-Hungarian Militärgeographisches Institut in Vienna and the Polish Wojskowy Instytut Geograficzny in Warsaw. The analyzed Austro-Hungarian regulations date from the years 1875, 1887, 1894, 1903 (2nd ed.). The oldest manual was issued during the Third Military Survey of Austria-Hungary (1:25,000) and regulated the way it was conducted (it is to be supposed that the issued manual was mainly a collection of regulations issued prior to the survey launch). The Third Survey was the basis for the 1:75,000 Spezialkarte map. The other manuals regulated the field revisions of the survey. The analyzed Polish manuals date from the years 1925, 1936, and 1937. The properties of the labels resulted from the military purpose of the maps. The geographical names’ function was to facilitate land navigation whereas other labels were meant to provide a military map user with information that could not be otherwise transmitted with standard map symbols. A concern for not overloading the maps with labels is to be observed in the manuals: a survey officer was supposed to conduct a preliminary generalization of geographical names. During a survey both an Austro-Hungarian and a Polish survey officer marked labels on a separate “label sheet”. The most important difference between the procedures in the two institutes was that in the last stage of work an Austro-Hungarian officer transferred the labels (that were to be placed on a printed map) from the “label sheet” to the hand-drawn survey map, which made a cartographer not responsible for placing them in the right places. In the case of the Polish institute the labels remained only on the “label sheets”.


Author(s):  
Konrad Graczyk

Abstract Special Courts in the Occupied Polish Territories in 1939. A Legal History Analysis. The study is devoted to the first period of activity of German special courts established in Poland in 1939. The basic scope presents the special courts of the Third Reich established on the basis of the regulation of 1933. They were a model for courts established in occupied Poland. Their creation is analyzed on the example of the Special Court in Katowitz (Sondergericht Kattowitz). Then, the activities of special courts in occupied Poland in 1939 are discussed with particular emphasis on case and penalty statistics. Attention is paid to some characteristic phenomena, such as problems with jurisdiction, differences resulting from the establishment of special courts as part of the military administration, and judgment of acts committed before the war and under Polish jurisdiction. The identified cases of violations of law in the activities of special courts in 1939 are also discussed.


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