The Historian’s Role, Public History, and the National Truth Commission in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Viz Quadrat

AbstractIn 2011, twenty-six years after the end of the military dictatorship, the Brazilian government took the initiative of implementing the right to memory and to the truth, as well as promoting national reconciliation. A National Truth Commission was created aiming at examining and shedding light on serious human rights violations practiced by government agents from 1946 to 1985. It worked across the entire national territory for almost three years and established partnerships with governments of other countries in order to investigate and expose the international networks created by dictatorships for monitoring and persecuting political opponents across borders. This article analyzes the relationship between historians and the National Truth Commission in Brazil, in addition to the construction of dictatorship public history in the country. In order to do so, the Commission’s relationship with the national community of historians, the works carried out, as well as historians’ reactions towards its works, from its creation until its final report in 2014, will be examined.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-330
Author(s):  
د.عثمان محمد دفع الله علي القُرجي

The relationship between Islam and the West finds that this relationship has witnessed not only short periods of conflict and congestion, but often the military confrontation. Western societies have recently witnessed a wave of racist practices, forms of hostility and discrimination against Islam and Muslims, Under the name (Islamophobia)), , This fear is played by the Western media machine a large role has become the orientation of all strategies and plans to distort the image of Islam and Muslims, which is familiar with the term (al'iielamufubia), we find this research monitors many of what the Western media in the right of Islam and Muslims and the Prophet of Islam, And Muslims in the Western media (al'iielamufubia), and this research is of great importance in order to respond to the falsehoods and accusations that are attached to Islam, and to clarify the distorted image drawn in the West, by the Western media, the researcher followed in this study descriptive analytical approach to analyze issues And the implications of this phenomenon and the results of the work, and the questions of this study: How the influence of the media in shaping the Western consciousness? Who is behind the phenomenon of the media and this negative picture? , And the study has reached the results and the most important: The typical descriptions that are presented to Muslims in general in the Western media are like the adoption of extremism and violence and bloodshed and polygamy and rejection of integration and enemies of Western civilization, and ah Recommendations recommended by the study:, The comprehensive discourse that reaches all people, which stems from the universality of Islam, combines all the meanings of religion and covers all its aspects, does not set aside at the expense of one side, and does not care about without concern, but calls for religion as a whole contemporary discourse linking the original era.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Quong

Chapter 5 develops and defends an original account of the necessity constraint on the use of defensive force. The chapter argues that the necessity condition is grounded in the right to be rescued from harm when this rescue can be provided at reasonable cost. The chapter argues that even wrongful attackers have the right to be rescued from serious harm when others can do so at reasonable cost, and this right explains why there is a necessity condition on the permissible use of defensive force. The chapter also offers criticisms of competing conceptions of the necessity condition, as well as offering a particular view regarding the relationship between necessity and liability.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Kausar Shafiq ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Ali Shan Shah

The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.


2021 ◽  

The responsibility to protect and intervention possessed a central political importance in the early modern period. This volume asks whether there was also a duty to intervene alongside the right to do so. This draws attention to the relationship between the responsibility to protect, security and reputation, which is the focus of the contributions the book contains. Chronologically, they range from the 15th to the 18th centuries and discuss monarchical duties to protect, alliance commitments, confessional legitimation and motives, as well as those based on patronage, contractual relationships and electoral processes. One of the book’s important findings is a deeper understanding of reputation, which is comprehensively examined here as a political guiding factor with reference to changing understandings of security for the first time.


1976 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill R. Dias

Some effects of the expansion in European commerce and of developments in colonial policy in Angola are explored through a study of the relationship of the black chief Kabuku Kambio with the Portuguese during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. By the 1870s the growth of ‘legitimate’ trade along the rivers Lukala and Kwanza was attracting the settlement of an increasing number of European colonists and traders. in theconcelhoof Cambambe thefeiraof Dondo, situated on the right bank of the Kwanza, briefly became the most important commercial centre of the interior. In these years much of the trade flowing between Dondo and other points was regulated by Kabuku, ruler of the largest and most powerful chiefdom, orsobado, in the conceiho. Kabuku's aggressive attempts to extend his dynastic authority and to profit from the increasing volume of trade entering theconcelhoinvolved him in a series of violent conflicts with rival chiefs and with European settlers. At first the extension of his power was facilitated by the military and administrative weakness of the Portuguese. By the mid-i880s however a more vigorous colonial policy, supporting the expansion of Portuguese power and commercial interests in the interior of Angola caused Kabuku's power to wane. After 1890 he succumbed to the pressure of white political and economic dominance in the Kwanza region. Following Kabuku's death thesobadoitself may have suffered extinction through an outbreak of sleeping sickness around 1900.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio Lissovsky ◽  
Ana Lígia Leite e Aguiar

In contrast to other South American countries, in Brazil, where a military dictatorship (1964–1985) incarcerated, tortured and ‘disappeared’ countless opponents, there have been very few initiatives to construct a public memory in the form of memorials and museums. Only recently, when the National Truth Commission was set up in 2012, debates on the importance of memory re-emerged, including a significant increase in the number of proposals to construct memorials of national importance, taking as their point of reference the coup in which the military seized power 50 years ago. This text offers a study of news sections dealing with memories of the Brazilian dictatorship and the activities of the National Truth Commission as they were reported in the daily press between 2012 and 2014 as well as visits to some of the monuments and memorials erected or planned after the end of the dictatorship in various parts of the country. Cases studied are divided into two groups: first, monuments stemming from the transition to democracy and the political pact that underwrote it, and second, cases that reflect the fragility of this pact and the efforts to undertake a revision of its terms. Rather than one succeeding the other, these two versions of memory are interdependent and have contested the hegemony of public initiatives to shape our memory of the period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 293
Author(s):  
Elton Emanuel Brito Cavalcante

No sistema educacional brasileiro, a figura do professor é controvertida. Em alguns casos, acusam-no de autoritário, despreparado para lidar com as novas tecnologias ou incapaz de compreender as transformações pelas quais a contemporaneidade passa. Em outros, ao contrário, dizem que está sufocado pelas pressões da sala de aula e que, por distintas causas, minam a sua autoridade. Há ideologias que combatem a figura do professor tradicional relacionando-o com a Ditadura Militar de 64. Contudo, mesmo com um currículo democrático e com constante preocupação didático-metodológica, os índices de aprendizado da educação básica, desde a Redemocratização, não são satisfatórios. Vez ou outra aparecem escolas isoladas, privadas ou estatais, que apresentam bons resultados e, quando analisasadas detalhadamente, nota-se que há rechaço, explícito ou tácito, a muitas das ideias preconizadas pela educação progressista. Por tudo isso, o objetivo deste artigo é analisar o papel do professor tradicional e da escola estatal no contexto da sociedade democrática atual.Palavras-chave: Professor tradicional. Escola pública. Educação progressista. Democracia.Traditional teacher: between the right and left ideologiesABSTRACTIn the Brazilian educational system, the figure of the teacher is controversial. In some cases, they accuse him of being authoritarian, unprepared to deal with new technologies, or unable to understand the transformations that contemporary times go through. In others, on the contrary, they say that he is suffocated by classroom pressures and that, for different causes, undermine his authority. There are ideologies that counteract the figure of the traditional teacher by relating him to the Military Dictatorship of 64. However, even with a democratic curriculum and constant didactic-methodological concern, the learning indices of basic education since Redemocratization are not satisfactory. Occasionally, isolated private or state schools appear, which have good results, and when you look at them in detail you find that there is an explicit or tacit rejection of many of the ideas advocated by progressive education. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze the role of the teacher and the traditional school in the context of the current democratic society.Keywords: Traditional teacher. Public school. Progressive education. Democracy.Profesor tradicional: entre las ideologías de derecha y de izquierdaRESUMENEn el sistema educativo brasileño, la figura del profesor está controvertida. En algunos casos, nos acusan de autoritario, sin preparo para lidiar con las nuevas tecnologías o incapaz de comprender las transformaciones por las cuales la contemporaneidad pasa. En otros, al contrario, dicen que está sofocado por las presiones del aula y que, por diferentes causas, disminuyen su autoridad. Hay ideologías que combaten la figura del profesor tradicional relacionándolo con la Dictadura Militar del 64. Pero, mismo con un currículo democrático y constante preocupación didáctico-metodológica, los índices de aprendizaje de la educación básica, desde la Redemocratización, no son satisfactorios. De vez en cuando, aparecen escuelas aisladas, privadas o estatales, que presentan buenos resultados, y cuando se las analiza detalladamente, se nota que hay rechazo, explícito o tácito, de muchas ideas preconizadas por la educación progresista. Por esta razón, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar el papel del profesor tradicional y de la escuela estatal en el contexto de la sociedad democrática actual.Palabras clave: Profesor tradicional. Escuela pública. Educación progresista. Democracia.


Author(s):  
Robert Stern

This article considers the relationship between Levinas’s ethics and the “second-personal” approach adopted by Stephen Darwall and K. E. Løgstrup. Darwall’s ethics treats the second-personal relation as one of command as an exercise of authority, while K. E. Løgstrup treats the second-personal relation as one of responsibility rather than command. It is argued that Løgstrup raises a fundamental difficulty for any command view, namely that the reason to act on a command is because one has been commanded to do so, where this cannot provide the right reason for a moral action. This article considers where Levinas should be located in this debate between the two models of second-personal ethics represented by Darwall and Løgstrup. It is suggested that while Levinas’s position reflects elements of both accounts, he is perhaps closer to the command approach, in a way that then makes him vulnerable to Løgstrup’s objections.


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